فصلنامه راهبرد
پیاپی 70 (بهار 1393)

To date there has been little disagreement on the fact that arbitrators are obligated to be impartial and independent; the rules and provisions of all the major international and domestic arbitral regimes are in accord that arbitrators have to be impartial and independent, so these obligations have turned into an international custom. Failure to this commitment can be a basis for challenging and disqualifiying an arbitrator in international and domestic arbitrations. The non-neutral arbitrator in United States’ arbitration system is a legal structure which is in opposite to the international practice, and presumes that the party-appointed arbitrators in a tripartite arbitration would not be neutral. This means that, in practice, they are not only free to act as advocates for the positions of the party that appointed them, they are expected to act in such a way to dictate the outcome of the proceedings for the benefit of appointing party. The purpose of this article is to determine the concept, grounds and basis of non-neutral arbitration and its significant opposition to the fundamental principles of arbitration. In the fourth section, the authors discuss the impartiality of arbitrators in Iran-United States of America arbitral tribunal.

Knowledge management is a way to improve the performance, productivity, efficiency, sharing and use of information within the organization and an efficient tool for decision making in organizations. In this article, researchers studied the effect of knowledge management processes of defense diplomacy. This article seeks to explore the ways to cut costs in the defense organization, and to create sustainable competitive advantage to make organization more innovative.Taking advantage of the knowledge management processes in defense diplomacy activities by authorities allows that on the basis of the theory of knowledge management model excesses are eliminated. Evaluation results suggest that knowledge management processes effect on defense policy objectives(environmental engineering, security, economic interests, equipment defense needed to achieve stability and arms control) and on defense diplomacy (threat effacing, safety induction and inhibition) as well.

In 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world, major changes took place at the international level. In the wake of these changes, India and the US had to re-adjust their policies and relations that led to cordinal India-US relations. Maritime relations were not immune to these winds of change. In the maritime domain India has adopted a different attitude towards the US presence in the Indian Ocean as compared to the Cold War period. The United States has also recognized India as a major security provider in the Indian Ocean Region as the Indian Navy is the largest force in the region. Through the maritime cooperation a secure and stable environment would be guaranteed in the Indian Ocean region, which is the stated aim of both the countries. In this regard, this paper tries to analyse India-US maritime relations during the Cold War era as well as the post-Cold War period.

Today higher education is one of the most important institutions for human being and civilization development. Moreover, in the world economy system during the previous decades higher education has turned into one of the driving forces for generating power and wealth in national, regional and international spheres. From future studies point of view the complexity of higher education as a system and the society which surrounds it alongside the competition among higher education institutions to obtain a prestigious status make it critical for them to enhance themselves. Vigorous attempt of universities to gain a good position in global rankings is a well-known sign of competitiveness among higher education institutions. The countries which have greater pools of talents produce more power and wealth. Given this trend the evaluation of higher education institutions to determine their regional or global ranking has become much more important. In this article, the authors propose an evaluation model and some indicators using environmental scanning as well as trends and events analysis.

According to most scholars, corruption is an overwhelming disease in all governments. In most governments in the Third World countries, it is not an external phenomenon but an internal one. This research provides a typology to detect corruption in centers and institutions of higher education to answer the question that what vision students, professors and university employees have of corruption in higher education in Iran.This article is a quantitative – qualitative research with an applied nature, it is considerd a survey or a descriptive study. In order to identify the different types of corruption in universities in various aspects of teaching and research, administration, ethics, norms and financial matters, an exploratory study based on interviews with focus groups and questionnaires was conducted. Research findings indicate that from the respondent's view, corruption is prevalent in university system with a priority order as follows: education and research, administration, financial matters, morality and norms. And forms of corruption as favoritism and abuse in evaluating and publishing scientific articles, favoritism in according sabbatical opportunities inside and outside the country, involving political and partisan considerations in designating directors and professors, abuse of polical position to get scientific and economic privileges are of the mostimportant types of corruption prevalent in the higher education system in the country.

The studies of scholars show that social links and interactions have had a positive effect on political behavior. In this context, Tocqueville argues that development requires human capital in general and civil skills in particular. This paper is going to find whether social capital can also have the same effect on political development in general and political participation and behavior in particular. According to the logic of “weak ties”, organized participation through individual link with a wider range of people leads to increase in social capital among a group of citizens. Thus, when political participation increases among people it is finally conducive to increase cooperative activities among them. Accordingly, this study seeks to find the relationship between social networks and political behavior of the students. For testing the hypotheses regarding the relationship between social links and political participation, correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis were used. Findings show that although the two dimensions of social capital (structural and communicational) have meaningful relationship with political participation dimensions (indifferent, formal and active), communicational social capital has more effect on political behavior of the students.

The post-WWII diversity of theories of political development particularly in the scientific and research institutes in the Western countries has enriched the literature of this political concept on the one hand, and added to its ambiguities on the other. New studies related to political development face dispersion due to the overwhelming volume of previous studies and therefore researchers have no option but to select some of the theories. This article provides a diverse collection of theories, created based on subjective modeling, in a graph with focus on community-based and government-oriented theories as the main categories of theories of political sociology in order to present diversity and proliferation in these theories.Community-based theories suggest bottom-to-top model for political development, which will take shape in a civil society, but government-oriented theories suggest top-to-bottom model for political development, based on a legitimate and powerful government. Choosing one of these models depends on the unique features of the community and government in different societies.

There is a long rational tradition in the West. In this article, theory or theoretical thought tradition are not meant an intellectual attempt for explaining phenomean before their happening, rather they are meant theory in it’s a priori status, that is a general configuration of categories based on common sense which seeks a relationship with reality affer coming to being.The precedence of abstraction over experience or priority of subjectivity over objectivity to reach an external and transcendental position to observe the society or the world are a determining precedence manifested in various forms in philosophy, politics, art, religion and science throughout the modern times. This article tries to answer the question that whether modern theory or a critique of existence by the self have not become a value, per se. In this article, this attitude is considered a great mistake and something contrary to knowledge.

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel is a familiar name in the study of political and philosophical thoughts in the West. He is the founder of German idealism, a commentator of philosophy of history, a pioneer of Mathematics Revolution (Interpretation of Alexander Hertsen). And of course this is enough to say that Hegel enjoys a lofty status in the process of political thoughts in the West. It is, therefore, important to understand the relationship between ethics and politics in the ideas of Hegel; especially in the wake of the French Revolution which led to the development of humanistic approaches in the West. Hegel along with Kant were trying to re-establish the essential foundations of ethics and to create a new configuration for the ethics.Therefore, based on a paradigmatic model in the sphere of political thoughts, this article scrutinizes political teachings of Hegel and discusses the relationship between these teachings and his ethical ideas.

The sources of conflicts and disputes between states are one of the subjects that is discussed in the theories and schools of international relations and geopolitics. Since, tension and conflict between states occur in different and various dimensions, experts and critics of different schools of international relations and geopolitics have tried to identity and recognise the international conflicts sources. Intellectual and philosophical schools of international relations based on the proposed approach to the analysis of global issues, have their own viewpoint in the field of disputes and conflicts between political units of various sizes in local, national, regional and global dimensions. With regard to the importance of the causes of tension and conflict in relations between states, various perspectives of scholars and experts are presented from different disciplines such as geography, political science, sociology, management, international relations, geopolitics and also different philosophical schools. It seems to be that each one of international relations theories, with regard to their philosophical and scientific approaches, have mentioned different factors as sources of tension and conflict between states and so, there are obvious differences in their perspective. Besides, geopolitical thinkers too, have studied a certain aspect of the geopolitical sources of dispute between the governments and do not have a comprehensive look at this phenomenon. Given this fact, in this article we have tried to study the sources of dispute between states using a descriptive and analitical approach in the framework of theories of international relations and geopolitics.

The Middle East is the cradle of ancient civilizations and great religions It is a geopolitical, geo-economic and strategic area. To describe it, expressions such as a global hub, an intersection between Eurasia and Africa, a sensitive area, a crescent of crisis etc. are repeatedly used in the literature of international relations, emphosizing the importance of the regim.Oil discovery added to the importance of Great powers in defining their strategic interests consider this region vital for their security and trade relations. Hence the peace and stability are tiedy to all aspects of security in this region. National security and national power have a positive correlation with effective international and regional security. It shows that the power of national geopolitical weight cannot easily be measured due to its dual nature of hard and soft dimensions. However, its measurement could be carried out by considering territorial, economic, social, cultural, political, special, scientific and technological, military, and ultra-boundary factors, In this article, by relying upon four land, economic, cultural and social components and 37 indices, the author tries to answer the question that how national power in the Middle East and Iran in 1404 is to be evaluated by using a descriptive- analytic methodology, collected information were analyzed. The results show that: 1- Middle East countries including, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt have the potential to be regional powers. 2- The independent political life of some of the region's oil states, now considered among the richest countries, will confront serious challenges when energy ressources are exchausted and will deal a heavy blow to the unity and strength of the moderate coalition. 3- Iran's size and its great potentials and vast natural and human resources along with good diplomacy can highten its status to become the first regional power.

This article tries to explain new relations between India and the United States based on assessing opportunities and threats as well as weaknesses and strengths as periceived by the two sides. Then, the author tries to draw lessons from these new relations for devising new relations between Iran and India.