نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال چهارم شماره 3 (پیاپی 13، پاییز 1393)

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon، it is rather one such phenomenon that has accompanied human kinds and by applying violence against individuals، states and groups through forceful achievement of the political or public goals، has become one of the most serious international threats. This phenomenon due to the close access of new technological information and communication has become one of the strategic troubles which is able to transform the small groups with complicated structures into significant players in the international arena at the present. Considering the growing advancement of technology and unique features of cyber space، cyber terrorism aims at destroying the critical infrastructures of a country، which has brought bout serious challenges to the states. The basic question of this research work is that، with regard to easy access and unique nature of the cyber space، how can we overcome the threats of cyber terrorism against the states’ interests? The hypothesis of this article is based on the fact that with the advancement of technology we are facing new threats that we can never take the national security confined to the national borders of a country as it used to be in the past. Nowadays، the invaders just with a set of computer (pc، laptop، etc.) pose a threat to a state. Such a prominent threat has put all the conventional and prevalent perceptions of the concept of national security under question. This research work is based on explanatory-analytical method collecting data from library.

Almost throughout the Cold War (1945-1991) Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) had been one of the pillars of NATO’s doctrine of nuclear deterrence. These weapons were supposed to be used as an alternative for conventional weapons and forces، and in case of Soviet invasion against the Western Europe، to be used by NATO to counterattack and destroy military armored units and forces of WARSAW Pact. At the present، after many years passed since the end of the Cold War، the number of opposing groups to the maintenance of TNWs in NATO’s bases in Europe has increased as many experts believe that these weapons have little combat value from a military perspective. Despite this NATO’s member states have not taken any binding decisions for the future of their TNWs. The objective of this research work is to analyze and examine the attitude of NATO’s member states towards TNWs، their developing and changing trend and possible future scenarios. The basic question of this article is that: should NATO go for modernization of its TNWs، or it must try to eliminate them?

The North Korean crisis began since early 1990s with the collapse of Soviet Union and the end of the cold war when the Stalinist-Communist regime of North Korea lost one of its most powerful supporters. This country lies as the last frontier of the cold war in the centre of hostile strategy of America. Thus، North Korea chose to move towards achieving nuclear weapons in order to counter the American threats and increase its security، and it launched its first nuclear test in October 9th، 2006. This nuclear test has definitely affected the international as well as regional equations and the policies of great powers. The present research work is an attempt to address these questions as to what are the policies USA، Russia and China towards this crisis? And what consequences have the North Korean crisis brought about at the international and regional levels? The theoretical framework of this article is based on Structural Realism and it seeks to analyze the North Korean process for becoming a nuclear power as well as the policies of America، Russia and China towards this crisis. It also considers the impact of this crisis on the international and regional security and the future of this crisis and the role of international powers in resolving it. This research work is based on analytical-comparative method.

Nowadays in the postmodern era the challenges facing the states and international community requires very different responses from international law system and different roles for the system too. The trend of globalization and rising new trans-national threats against peace and security in international relations have radically transformed the nature، governance and basic objectives of the international law in the recent years. The international problems from border pollution to the terrorist camps and from flow of refugees to the proliferation of weapons are all locally rooted that no international law system could often have the power to deal with them. In the meantime، one of the important and controversial international، regional and national phenomena in the initial decade of 21st century and beginning of third millennium، and one of the basic international problems and challenges and the most dangerous threat to the international peace and security is the issue of terrorism. In the other words، the spread of increasing terrorist actions and operations are the most challenging issues before the world community and international criminal law which are observed as the serious threat against peace and security in international relations. In the age of globalization and with expansion of terrorist threats as a result of postmodern، terrorist have also developed alongside of globalization، yet never caught by the constrains of it. In this regard، no state، region or nation can be invulnerable by terrorist actions. Terrorism from a national threat has gone to international threat and eventually become global. Thus، there is a feeling of concern and fear that with the spread of this phenomenon in the world and their access to the dangerous nuclear، chemical and biological weapons they could rapidly endanger international peace and security. In the light of globalization or from a cosmopolitan perspective، not only international law and idea of peace، but violence also such as the phenomenon of violent terrorism as the outcome of September 11 becomes general and global in nature. The international law has majorly focused on trans-national terrorism as it is against the international peace and security. Thus، at the present، the postmodern concern regarding the international law is all about how to maintain international peace and security and prevent the outbreak of war. Since the states look at issues and mostly problems through the eye of national interests، confronting international terrorism in the course of international law and in persuasion of peace will face serious challenges and obstacles. The international law can merely be successful tackling terrorism while the international law treaties and conventions are implemented in an appropriate environment، and the political and legal conflicts to be resolved at the world community level، and the trans-judicial principle of international law should not only be about peace among states، but also among human kinds and its future. Therefore، a firm international law system with multilateral principles and procedures are required in order to redefine the rules of an emerging global civilization. On the other hand، a serious rethinking at the global level is needed in which all the elements consisting international relations must be reviewed and studied with a series of new definitions and re-conceptualizations. The focus of this research work is that how the legal system of international law can deal with the postmodern terrorism in the era of globalization and create understanding، comparison and adaptation between two legal and political fields in order to provide global peace and security. The author believes that the pluralistic synthesis of global alliance for international peace with the rule of universal international law and multilateral cooperation of international community and combination of new international relations theories could pave the way for a kind of international law system which would be able to confront with unilateral aggressive strategies of the violent post-September 11 to fight terrorism in a systemic and coherent way. Therefore، international law in the era of globalization by relying on the values of peace، development، freedom and democracy could only restore the United Nations and save the world from scourge of global terrorism and its consequent threat emerged of postmodern and work as a safety valve providing the context for peace and security n international relations.

Although، Iran’s relations with Latin America has a relatively long history، yet due to the economic، political and geopolitical reasons were generally limited and have not enjoyed the prosperity and expansion، except a few transitional phases and that also with a few countries. However، a period of the expansion of political relations between I. R. of Iran and these countries commenced since 2005 with the victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the presidential election and the rise of new radical leftism in some of these countries particularly Venezuela. This paper seeks to examine and identify the reasons for this expansion of relations through a Constructivist perspective. On the basis of this perspective، the issues like mutual understanding of common identity and central ideas such as opposition to the domination system، negation of Imperialism and Capitalism، colonial backgrounds and Third-Worldism have been the elements of common identity which have driven these countries to promote bilateral relations and wider cooperation، at least in the political spheres.

Culture is one of the central issues of political science and international relations so much so that the issue of culture is considered as the main concern of human societies. The local and national developments on the one hand and international developments on other hand، dialectically affected each other and consequently the international conflicts and co-operations. It is worth mentioning that since the end of cold war the study of political science and international relations has been trying to analyze the international affairs through the cultural approach، with no desire to contrast the culture with politics or economics. The presentation of theories such as clash of civilization، the end of history، dialogue among civilizations and Islamic fundamentalism are perceived in this framework. Scrutiny in these kinds of theories which were proposed in 1990s as well as review and analysis of the developments after the September 11، the American invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq and the project of Great Middle East from cultural perspective demonstrate the fact that the cultural issues like political and economic issues enjoy special status in the process of decision making and decision taking at the national، regional and international levels Thus، the main objective of the present research work is to study the role of culture in the international conflicts and co-operations. Considering the main objective، the basic question of this article is that: how does the issue of culture play a role in the international conflicts and co-operations? In the light of above mentioned question، the hypothesis is based on the fact that the emergence and increase of the international conflicts and co-operations on the one hand and intensification of the cultural interactions and relations on the other hand can directly play its role in conflicts and co-operations at the national، regional and international levels.

This article is an attempt to explain the issue of integration and regionalism in international relations with focus on the Constructivism as one of the important perspectives in the context of international relations. In this regard، the theoretical principles of Constructivism are initially discussed and consequently its perspective on regionalism and regional integration. All the elements and variables that are as important factors in the regionalism and specially deepening and institutionalization of regionalism and regional integration considered by this perspective are taken into account which are then conceptualized and theorized. As the case study also the EU is conceptualized as an international institution on the basis of Constructivism. Eventually، it is concluded that this perspective has been able to create a new prospect in the regional studies، integration and regionalism so much so that it is presently deemed as one of the important perspectives in the studies related to integration، regionalism especially comparative analysis.

Thenew developments and trends in international system have changed the world of diplomacy so much so that along with the application of conventional diplomacy، new forms of diplomacy، particularly public and cultural diplomacy are presently used to achieve national interests. Public and cultural diplomacy are actions to interact and communicate with other nations and ideas with the goal of creating long-term cultural relationships based on the values and policies of favored system with other societies. The ultimate goals of public and cultural diplomacy are to aware and influence foreign audiences and to create mutual dialogue and long-term relationships. The Educational and cultural programs، research and television broadcasts، satellite and internet could be considered as the components of this diplomacy. Cosmopolitan Constructivism is philosophically based on multilateral diplomacy، cosmopolitan theory and constructivist policy. The objectives of the Cosmopolitan Constructivism are to build long lasting friendly relationships between states by inviting their societies in order to learn from each other for making cosmopolitan cultural attitudes. The basic question of this research work is as to how one can explain the public and cultural diplomacy through the Cosmopolitan Constructivist theory? The hypothesis of this work is based on the fact that the objectives of public and cultural diplomacy are، from Cosmopolitan Constructivist perspective، to create long lasting friendships between states by addressing their societies in making cosmopolitan cultural behaviors. Multilateralism in the public and cultural diplomacy is achieved with discourse among global institutes and the academic units and with stress on collaborative common mechanisms in the cultural areas and international relations.