فهرست مطالب ناصر یوسف زهی

The international socialization is the internalization of the global norms. But these norms while the national internalization will be faced with the semantic system of countries. The case study of the mentioned object is Constitution Revolution, because it is the first international socialization of development in Iran. Around the effect of the structure of the semantic system on international socialization, our hypothesis is that the triple and conflicting construction of Iranian identity (antiquity, Islam and modernity) made the internalization of norms difficult and failed. This hypothesis is tested by constructivist approach and the method of historical sociology. Based on the findings, the elites of constitution made an extensive theoretical effort to reconcile antiquity, modernity, and Islamism. They presented a democratic reading of antiquity and Islam. However, this "falsification of knowledge" while internalizing of norms could not prevent the traditional and modern struggle of Iranian knowledge. This research can be a "historical basis" to study the interaction of development international socialization in the periods of Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic.

Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual necessities that should have been considered in foreign policy analysis. For this reason, they have undergone superficial analysis and "theoretical reductionism". For example, constructivists in ontology have not addressed "anthropology" and "socialization." Such a "problem" stems from the nature of constructivism; because constructivism is a buffer and synthesis of positivism and post-structuralism, has included a paradoxical combination of objective and subjective elements in foreign policy analysis. Therefore, empirical studies require methodical theoretical studies. With the aim of compiling a research guide for constructivist researchers, the question is addressed: based on constructivism what are the theoretical foundations and requirements of research in foreign policy analysis. According to our findings, the study of foreign policy requires the analysis of constructivism in the five dimensions of ontology, epistemology, methodology, typology and conceptology. In ontology, "level of analysis" and "units of analysis" must be specified: micro level (anthropology, socialization and stateology) and macro level (international system, international organizations, international law, international structures and agents). In epistemology, the relationship between knowledge and value, subject and object, explanation and interpretation, reality and truth, material and meaning are analyzed. Ontology and epistemology determine the method of research: quantitative or qualitative. Then the type of constructivism is chosen: interpretive, critical, and post-modern or positivist. Finally, the basic conceptual constructs are extracted and defined: inter-subjectivity, constructivism, culture, identity, idea, knowledge, norm, and socialization. These five requirements indicate the complexity and difficulty of constructivist analysis of foreign policy.

target states. This paper, explores the role of Iran's economic statecraft to Afghanistan. Economic statecraft is used to apply the international and national instruments for changing the behavior of the target state and domestic development. Our question is: what process has Iran's economic statecraft passed to Afghanistan. The state of Iran in the first Pahlavi's era, by political and diplomatic tools, and in second Pahlavi's era by economical tools as financial supporting, interchanging goods, and trade contracts intended to change the behavior of Kabul's state. In the first decade of the Islamic Republic, under the influence of revolutionary events in both country, the economic instruments of Iran' foreign policy has been gone away, and with the goals of disabling and collapsing Kabul's communist government, non-economical tools have been exercised. But in the decades of 2000s and 2010s with the purpose of enabling and absorbing of Afghanistan's state foreign behavior gradually a various ways of economic have been applied. As a result, Iran has become the biggest trade partner of Afghanistan and the interdependence stage of two this country has grown more. Comparing the mentioned periods show that economical tools more than others have proved national and transnational interest of Iran in Afghanistan.

The first channel of international socialization is "foreign policy". The agents of foreign policy by presenting international norms in domestic assemblies with the aim of internalizing them are leading their governments towards "socialization". State socialization is one of the transnational tools for the development of countries, but sometimes foreign policymakers take a non-social approach. The most important consequence of socialization, especially for developing countries, is the acceleration of the development process. One of the structural causes of the socialization of states is "foreign policy"; because the structure of foreign policy defines a set of guidelines, principles, and epistemological rules for foreign policymakers which can be a factor or an obstacle to international socialization. The idea of linking international socialization and development with a focus on foreign policy, which will be a new window into development studies, is discussed in this article with a case study of Iran. "What does the structure of the foreign policy of Iran have a relation with international socialization?" is Our main question. According to our explanation, Iran's foreign policy has three atmospheres: religious atmosphere (anti-domination, invitation and supporting of Muslims, unit Ommat); revolutionary atmosphere (anti-westernism, anti-Americanism, the export of revolution and change of international system); modern atmosphere (non-interference, peaceful coexistence, membership in international organizations and adherence to international law). These atmospheres respectively have created three different types of socialization: international religious socialization (post-development); revolutionary international socialization (anti-development); institutional international socialization (development-oriented). Therefore, Iran's first goal in the international system is often "socializing" rather than "socialization."

The economic statecraft as the international economic tools of fallowing the strategic goals of countries is a new notion in economic studies of foreign policy. The materialist approaches ever consulted this field. These researches by linking the economic tools with politics, hard power, survival, and security have expanded the theoretical sphere of economic statecraft. By their emphasizing on the role of material elements and political goals in utilizing of economic instruments, economic statecraft has been declined to the power of politics and the analytical tool of the great powers' negative competitions and their dictating relations with developing countries. The realistic and traditional economic statecraft is in lack of applying capacity to developing countries and analysis of the role of meta-material elements in foreign policy. The article aims at to link the economic statecraft to "policy of development" and the social approach of foreign policy. What are the effective elements at the success of developing countries in utilizing the international economic tools? Invoking to the international economic tools is rooted the national necessity of development, identity, and socialization. By changing the egoistic identity to the collective identity during the process of international socialization, legitimacy and knowledge context of optimization the transnational sources will be prepared and reached. Development is the final target of international socialization and economic statecraft. In narrative of sociality and development will be dismiss the realistic declining and be applied to developing countries. The focal points of Iran's contemporary statecraft events have been the struggle on economic tools and international political norms; means the patterns of modernization and constructing of economic development and the patterns of constitution and republican of political development. The non-collective political identity and international non-socialization are the obstacles of succession of Iran's economic statecraft.

The shape and form of social action in post-Taliban Afghanistan is different than that of the past. Government repression, militarism and the religious politics used to dominate Afghanistan in the Taliban era. However, the recently formed EnlightenmentMovement (2016) follows a peaceful approach to achieve its demands. Understanding this movement requires a basic knowledge of the modern dynamics of the political sociology of Afghanistan. This economic movement was the response of Hazara ethnicity to the shift of the electricity transmission line from Bamyan to Salang. This research investigates the background of peaceful occurrence of the Enlightenment Movement and its consequences. According to our hypothesis, democracy and modernization in Afghanistan have paved the way for the emergence of civil movements such as the Enlightenment. The hypothesis has been tested based on the collective behavior theory of Smelser. According to the findings, the increasing demand for economic justice and political participation by ethnic and religious minorities is a result of democracy in Afghanistan. Consequently, economic movements and peaceful competition over the fair distribution of energy resources (wealth) are a new form of collective action in post-Taliban Afghanistan.

After the fall of the Taliban and the establishment of democracy in Afghanistan, it was expected that this country would experience economic development beside political development. This article studies Afghanistan's economic development situation in the era of democratization. For this purpose, theoretical approaches to the relationship between democracy and development and the statistical analysis of economic development indicators have been used. The research question focuses on the status of Afghanistan's economic development during the age of democracy (2001-2017). Our study shows that the economic development indicators in these years has not change significantly. Also, the national economy has more experienced economic growth not economic development. In this country, quantitative indicators such as the growth of GDP and urbanization rate have improved. But, quality indicators of development such as poverty, per capita income, fair distribution of wealth, human development, and industry have not significantly improved. Therefore, by considering the financial supports of the world society democracy and the political development in Afghanistan have not yet resulted to economic development. In reality, succeeds of Afghanistan' state were more focused on democracy not economic development. Therefore democracy in Afghanistan because was conjoined with insecurity, financial corruption, election crisis, rentier economy, and socials gaps has had an incompatible relation with development.

The joining of the Hekmatyar to the process of Afghanistan national peace has been one of the most recent controversial upheaval and affective on the political-security situation this country. The discovery of the cause of this state-reception and the Hekmatyar's historic anti-state is a major issue in this paper. The purpose of this question is to represent the role of politics on the emergence of violence in Afghanistan. Therefore, the question of the present research is that what was the main reason for Hekmatyar's military approach to the states of Afghanistan (1966-2016) and then change it to political approach? The research hypothesis, which is operationalized in the format of the structural theory of Douglas North’s social orders, is follows: the nature and structure of the power systems of the kingdom (1933), authoritarian (1973), communist (1978), non-institutional (1992), and fundamentalist in Afghanistan (1996), which is opposed to Hekmatyar’s Islamism and democratism policy, imposed an armed approach on the party. But, relatively democratic, institutionalized and Islamic system of the post-Taliban Afghanistan provided a peaceful approach to the party. Therfore,, the policy of governments, not the construction of a society has led to the emergence of social violence in Afghanistan.

Iran and Afghanistan have paid attention to Port Chabahar in 2014 – 2017 for increase interaction economic and politic. But what is the role Port Chabahar in the integration between two countries’ not been measured and this article want apply scientific mythology for this purpose. The main question this article is which strategy and what condition can efficiency in increasing function Port Chabahar to integration and increasing economic indicators. For answer to this question we applied method SWOT in narrative analysis system. The research hypothesis is as follows for possibility integration Iran must choice Détente in international relation specially from great power to reduce economic sanctions and improve transit infrastructure and create facility Port. This article analysis that Port Chabahar could play special role for extend relation between two country. Afghanistan and Iran have many problem in the political relation and all the time could not reach the solution for your demand. Policymaking in Afghanistan suffering from geographic isolation and for compotation to Pakistan need reduce depended to Karachi port. Iran also need Afghanistan for solve the shortage water and crisis environment that all problems reach the result if Afghanistan entrance to relationship politic and strategic economy to Iran. Port Chabahar can apply for all the problem between two countries because when Iran help to Afghanistan to escape from isolation can expect this country pay water right Hamon lake to Iran and reduce some of environment crisis.

Iran and Afghanistan have played an important role in the revival and spread of the political discourse of the late 1980s. So far. The Islamic Revolution of Iran was one of the milestones of the political discourse of Islam, and after that, Afghanistan by defeating the Soviet Union (1988), became a strong point for the transnational spread of the mentioned discourse. During the critical years of this decade, the resistance movement of Afghanistan was considered by Imam Khomeini (RA). He, while redefining and the transnational propagation of Islamic Political Discourse of Iran, believed in the unfavorable situation of Islamism Approach in many Islamic countries. But, the political Islam of the Iranian nation, from the Imam's point of view, was a proper and successful Islamist model in the Islamic world that had the capacity and ability to disseminate and export softly to other countries. The mentioned pattern was not based solely on religion, but also on Iranianship and the scope of Iranian civilization. the main question and issue of this paper is that the political Islam discourse of Afghanistan, what characters represented in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA). The authors of the article are seeking to answer this question by using the method of discoursive text analysis and also explaining the political discourse of politics both theoretically (conceptually) and empirically (Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and Iran). The hypothesis of Present research is that he described Islamism, jihad, and alienation as one of the most prominent features of the resistance movement in Afghanistan. But due to the divisiveness of the political Islam discourse in Afghanistan, he emphasized the unity of the word in Afghanistan. The findings of the research indicate that Imam Khomeini (RA) from The Perspective of Iranian Model of political Islam has considered to political Islam discourse of Afghanistan.

Contrary to expectations, the common culture and identity have not been able to play a useful role in the revival of the Great Khorasan economy, which has a relatively common cultural geography. Iran and Afghanistan are the objective examples of this issue. The question addressed in the research is: What are the causes of the common culture inefficiency in elevating the economic relations of Iran and Afghanistan (2001-2018)? For answering this question, we have applied the constructivist approach. The main goal of the paper is to examine the effect of the culture and identity on economy by identifying the challenges arisen from mental, national, regional, and international levels.. According to research results, Iran and Afghanistan have a kind of duality in representing and interpreting cultural commonalities, such as language, religion, and history. viewing from another perspective, Iran has little cultural commonalities with most of Afghanistan' society. Nevertheless, Nevertheless, their different perceptions and notions of common cultural elements (the fragmentation and divergence of the inter-ethnic) and the politicalization of these elements have made the notion of culture ineffective in fostering economic and political relations. On the broader scale, the influence of supranational components such as globalization of western culture and religious fundamentalism have diminished the role of common Aryan culture and Civilization and Islam in expanding economic relations. Despite the common identity structure, it seems that the development of economic relations and the interaction of the role of cultural and economic factors can provide a satisfactory level of meaningful and cooperative engagement of the great Khorasan' countries.

Afghanistan's tenacity in the eastern Iranian Economy has been the re-emergence of the eastern provinces in the country's foreign trade over the past one and a half decades. In the eastern economy, provinces like Sistan and Baluchistan, Kerman, South Khorasan, Razavi Khorasan and North Khorasan. This research aims at to examine the position of South Khorasan in the eastern Iranian economy, by the theoretical framework of economic geography. In fact, the aim of this study is to consider the economic status of the provinces and eastern parts of Iran in the economic development and regional trade plans. Considering regional geoeconomic and geopolitical competitions in Asia and global events such as the new US sanctions, the second aim of this research is to explore the economic position of the eastern countries of Iran in economic development and regional foreign trade planning. Researchers in the fields of economics, geography and politics have not paid attention to these issues.  Therefore, the main importance of the research is the attention to the significant role of South Khorasan and Afghanistan in Iran's economy, and explicating it within the framework of the new concept of the Eastern Economy. "Iran's Eastern Economy" is the new concept of this study to emphasize on the geoeconomic importance of eastern countries and provinces in the development of national economy and foreign trade of Iran. Geography of Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia are central areas of Iran's eastern economy. In this article, only Afghanistan is concerned.

The main question of this article is as follows: What are the environmental abilities of South Khorasan to expand Iran-Afghanistan economic relations? It should be said that cultural commonality and the most common border with Afghanistan, besides having border markets, proper security, and geopolitical and geostrategic status, are among the effective capabilities of the province to promote the commercial relations of the two countries. The significance of the present paper is to give an overwhelming and a transnational role to South Khorasan.

Review of Literature

Our theoretical framework is the economic geography. Economic geography is a branch of human geography that has been in place since the early twentieth century as an independent branch of geography. Subsequently, an important part of the geography was devoted to population, geography, agricultural geography, industrial geography, business geography and commerce. Scholars believe that understanding the geographic space that is influenced by human actions is mainly done through the study of economic geography, because the formation of geographic space and its consequences can be influenced by the demands for human productivity from the environment. Productivity could not be out of the reach of economic, geographical subdivisions because the subject under consideration was economic geography, forms of production, and places of consumption of all kinds of products at different levels. Therefore, most of the geographical implications of today are focused on the trades and power of different global, regional and national economic systems.

The authors of the paper have attempted to provide an overall analysis and evaluation of the content of the studies that are relevant to our discussion. A number of studies have focused on issues and micro levels of the South Khorasan economy, such as industry, markets, households, tourism, and local development. Others have focused solely on the economic capabilities of South Khorasan. The emphasis of this paper is on the transnational role and importance of the regional level of this province. Of course, the starting point for analyzing this research, like other studies, is the level of local abilities, but unlike them, it provides transnational results. Also, this research in the context of non-economic, political economy, while linking politics and economics, seeks to link these two areas with geography, security and culture.

The method of analyzing the data in this paper is the causal method. In this method, the results and consequences of research data are important. Therefore, by expressing and describing the capacities of South Khorasan, they analyze their role in Iran-Afghanistan trade interactions. Afterwards, among the techniques of observation, questionnaires, interviews and data collection libraries, the recent tools such as librarianship have been used.

The main issue of this research was to study the role of the economic geography of South Khorasan on economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan. The purpose of this issue was to focus on the area of ​​the "Eastern Regional Economy". Current and recent events in the region and the world indicate the instability of Iran's relations with the West, especially the United States. The focus of government officials on expanding and resuming relations with Western countries failed to do the expectations of the Iranian people. The dominance of the Western approach on the Eastern economics of Iran's foreign policy has a variety of reasons, including the weight of Western countries. This is important because, in some respects, the economic and political relations of the Eastern countries, including Afghanistan (at the present time) with Iran, are somehow influenced by the anti-Iranian American discourse.

 According to the findings of this study, the Eastern Territory (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be useful in facilitating and deepening the country's regional interactions. The territory of the East (Afghanistan and South Khorasan) can be fruitful in facilitating and deepening the regional interactions of the country. Although Kabul-Tehran's economic relations are heavily influenced by the US-sponsored and US-backed discourse against Iran, inevitably Import of goods from Iran is particularly fueled for the country (Afghanistan), due to lack of proper manufacturing infrastructure, as well as increased demand for its consumer market and the existence of geographic, cultural, and convergent factors. What can make this link more robust is the role of eastern provinces, such as South Khorasan.

The political, cultural, security and geographic location of the South Khorasan is a good basis for attracting more investment from foreign countries, especially Afghanistan. The expansion of Afghan investment of 2013 So far is promising the brilliant future of this province in the economic interactions of the two countries. This is important in relation to the role of the other eastern provinces, Khorasan Razavi and Sistan and Baluchistan, in increasing the export of Iranian goods to Afghanistan.

To the same extent as the South Khorasan plays an important role in the relations between Iran and Afghanistan, it equally affects the process. The boost in exports to Afghanistan, in particular, the country's first target market for goods in South Khorasan, has resulted in increased revenues from the province, including taxes and customs duties. Therefore, the increase in trade between the two countries will mean the growth of southern Khorasan in the long run. On the other hand, the impact of the economic development of this province on improving the economic interactions between Iran and Afghanistan is undeniable. To achieve these goals, it is proposed that special attention be paid to eastern provinces such as South Khorasan, Sistan and Baluchistan in domestic and foreign policy making of Iran. The Iranian government should strive to expand the exchanges and rail lines of the eastern provinces with the western provinces of Afghanistan. The view of securitization to these provinces must be reduced and the economic view replaced. With economic investment in the eastern provinces, dependence of neighboring countries in the east of Iran will increase.

Iran's first rank in exporting goods to Afghanistan in the years 2015-2017 is an indicator of improvement in the relations of the two countries. The improvement of economic relations has had positive effects on Tehran-Kabul political ties. But these commercial relations are still having many problems. The present paper using political economy approach and historical studies of the foreign affairs relations of the two countries (1794-2017) seeks to identify the most important political and economic challenges affecting Iran-Afghanistan trade relations in national, regional and world levels (2001-2018). The importance of this paper is representation of recent two and multi-lateral foreign development of Iran and Afghanistan with economic approach. The research results contain several points. First, the economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan from Qajar Period to present have been influenced by governed ideologies of the two countries and the international system. Second, Iran and Afghanistan in post-Taliban arena and in the scene of practice have not yet achieved a common objective and regional political consensus. Third, political instability, administrative corruption, non-economic discourse of parties, and the economy of rentiers in both countries have had negative reflections on trade relations between the two countries. Fourth, the ineffectiveness of regional organizations such as ECO and the influence of regional and trans-regional countries on Afghanistan have negatively affect the economic ties between Tehran and Kabul. But unlike the political-security problems, the present growth of economic transactions between Iran and Afghanistan could bring about common objective and sustainable interests for the two states.

Iran foreign relations under the Qajar dynasty constitutes a controversial debate of this era. Within the framework of the Great Game Iran was included, for the first time, in international politics. Consequently, Qajar’s fragile, though constructive, foreign action on micro and macro levels was heavily influenced by the Great Game. On a micro level, Qajar’s relations with Afghanistan within the framework of Russo-British Great Game could be studied. Due to the geopolitical significance of Iran for the Great Game and the constant challenge to the Qajars that came from Afghanistan, the current article has been informed by Games Theory and utilized descriptive-analytical method to find answer to the question as to what extent did the Russo-British rivalry within the framework of the Great Game contribute to the fragility of Qajar-Afghan relations during 1794-1856? Research hypothesis states that one of the main reasons for the fragility and strenuous relations between the Qajar dynasty and Afghanistan was the conspiracy and machinations, threats and pressures on the part of Britain and Russia in the format of the Great Game. The facts that corroborate such claim are: 1) Russo-British political, security and economic rivalries in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia; 2) Russo-Iranian Wars; 3) Political pacts signed between Iran and Qajar rulers against their Afghan counterparts; 4) The role of Britain in Iran-Afghanistan wars, and 5) The political independence of Afghanistan from Iran.

The strengthening and stability of the economic relations of the countries of a region is largely due to the resolution of their security challenges. This is important in the case of Iran-Afghanistan trade deals that have been made in a tense region. importantly, despite current security barriers, Iran has been able to influence the Afghanistan's market. However, the current economic relations between the two countries often have been heavily influenced by the secured challenges. In order to prove this claim, the main question of this paper is focusing on the years 2001-2017, It is that which of the most important security challenges and constraints governing the economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan at national, regional and transnational levels. In response, the continuation of Iran's security concerns to Afghanistan, regional conflicts around the two countries, and the securitization of the geopolitics and the identity of Iran and Afghanistan at the global level by the United States are the most important challenges. this analysis has been carried out in the critical context of the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School. The research results indicate that one of the main reasons for the lack of economic growth in Iran and Afghanistan over the past years has been the security approach to the Tehran-Kabul relations, that influenced by transnational security scanners. Accordingly, the promotion of the economic interactions between the two countries requires that many issues and threats be resolved by governments in the field of politics than they are in the security field.

The contemporary history of Afghanistan has been accompanied by various internal and external crises. In this regard, the issue of state instability can be considered as the most important one. This important issue has many reasons; therefore, the present articles aims to address the issue with the historical approach and inspiration from the elite theory of paradigm, which is the first cause of the government's fragility in Afghanistan during the years of 2016-1919. The authors of the present study believe that not only the internal and external components, but also the mediate factors, namely the actions and policies of Afghan political leaders and political elites who have often had less ethnic and religious color, were the main cause of the fragility of the government in Afghanistan. These perspectives, not only leads to the elimination of "ethnic fanaticism", "impedance", and "crass ideology" of some existing research on this country, but also enables us to accurately measure the vulnerability and traumatic of the state in Afghanistan.