فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و سوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 89، پاییز 1399)

This article tries to provide an alternative theoretical framework for managing intelligence organizations and their role in national security by examining the challenges of the information age on intelligence organizations. Criticizing the traditional pattern of intelligence organizations based on the three pillars of "secret disclosure", "producer-customer relationship between information and policy" and "intelligence reporting", the author argues that the continuation of the traditional pattern in the information age and globalization cannot meet the expectations of statesmen for the effective role of intelligence agencies in national security. By presenting an alternative theoretical framework called the "Intelligence weapon", the author argues that the units and theorems of this theory about the role and function of intelligence organizations are appropriate to the age of globalization and through the production of intelligence power can Achieve national security. Instead of seeing Intelligence as an institution for discovering secrets, this theory introduces it as a weapon for covert warfare.

The main issue of this research is to evaluate the performance of BBC Persian media in the field of identity for the Iranian society through the production programs presented in the special delivery programs in Norouz. Relying on the theory of "Narration" and using the method of content analysis of narration, the author selects the delivery programs of the Persian BBC as an example and survey the narrative of eighteen items from the six main dimensions of national identity including "cultural", "religious", "linguistic" and "social". "Political", "Territorial" and "National Values and Symbols" in these programs from 2012 to 2017. The findings of the study indicate that the manner of narrating the Persian BBC marks the most thoughtful aspects of the national identity as one of the reference components of the security of the Islamic system and by presenting a narrative that contradicts the Iranian lifestyle and lived experience, has targeted the national identity that is a system-making idea for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results of this research are effective in seeking and recognizing the reasons for abnormal changes in the identity and culture of Iranian society and its preventive policy-making.

The IRI Foreign policy usually assumed as an apparent and coherent concept. This paper will show that IRI foreign policy is a floating signifier and always there have been serious discursive conflicts about its signification. By focusing on signification of "security" in opponent discourses in IRI foreign policy, present article will show that during IRI, there have been a fundamental contradict between two main discourses, i.e. cooperative and counter-hegemonic discourses. In fact, their articulations of security are absolutely different from each other, especially in relation to international order. The first one that was embodied in fifth and sixth states after Iran-Iraq war (then in seventh and eighth and after an interruption, in eleventh states, in updated versions) regarded international economic and political cooperation as a main way to security. In contrast, the opposite discourse that is mainly embodied in ninth and tenth states, under the presidency of Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, considered resistance against international order, the real way to security. Precisely Speaking, these two opposite significations of security can't be reconciled in one signifier at the same time. So, the signifier took opposite meanings periodically.  

There are several ways for strategy making that are traditionally used by researchers and organizations. In some cases, strategy- making using conventional methods has methodological challenges. In this research, the dynamic actor network analysis (DANA) method should be used for strategy making. For this purpose, a case study of the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Syrian nation-state-building process was selected. In this study, a case study strategy was used and the required data were collected by documentary study method and expert panel and analyzed using dynamic actor network analysis. The results of this study showed that the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran for nation-building in Syria include: accepting a secular political system, accepting Arab nationalism, strengthening the Ba'ath party along with encouraging non-identity parties, strengthening parliament against the presidency, strengthening the role of the army in politics and reducing The influence of the security agencies, Independence of the judiciary from the Ba'ath party, Encouraging the semi-socialist economy, Prevent the division of forces based on the Lebanese and Iraqi models, and Opposition to federalism.

This article seeks to systematically survey the logic of unstable alliances in the Middle East after the Arab revolutions. On what basis do the governments of the Middle East enter into alliances with each other and what variables influence their fluid-forming coalition behavior? Contrary to mainstream approaches to explaining the nature of alliances, variables such as balance of power, anarchy, identity, and external threats alone are unable to understand the empirical mechanisms and complexities of Middle Eastern governments' unifying behavior. Using theories of alliance in international relations, the present paper proposes an integrated framework of "regime security" as an alternative approach to survey the roots of alliance in the Middle East. Despite the changes in the international and regional environment, the main interests of each of the Middle Eastern governments are still to ensure the survival and security of their political regime. Indeed, the foreign relations and alliance options of Middle Eastern governments are based on their dynamic action to secure the ruling regime in the face of potential internal and external threats. Under such circumstances, alliances are formulated as transnational coalitions between potential allies to ensure the survival of political regimes. For test of the main idea of the article, case studies of regional alliances in the Middle East is discussed.

The Zionist extremists' different interpretations of political decisions and their approaches and ideas on how to deal with domestic issues have been challenging for its political structure since the establishment of the Zionist regime. This article examines the nature, extent and type of extremist challenge for this regime and the approach of the political structure in dealing with them. The main question is: what kind of extremists is the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and what is the approach of the regime political structure in response to it? The hypothesis is that the "pragmatic right-wing extremists" have created the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and the political structure has selected the policy of selective confrontation in response to them; Taken some of them seriously and neglected others. The findings show that the extremists' current challenge to the political structure of the Zionist regime has diminished; Because they reorganize themselves within the framework of dynamic parties and are compatible with the political climate, in order to effectively influence the decision-making space of this regime and thus pursue their interests.

Russia has used hybrid warfare more than ever in recent years to achieve its goals in relation to European countries. The main question of this article is: "What is Russia's goal in using hybrid warfare in relation to European countries and what tools and methods has it used in this regard?" In response to this question, the author hypothesizes that "Russia's main goal is to return to the position of a superpower and change the balance in its favor in relations with the West." Because this goal can no longer be achieved through traditional and symmetrical warfare, Moscow is embracing the new generation of warfare, hybrid warfare, using a variety of tools such as cyberattacks, spreading false news, supporting networks of corruption and economic pressure, Interfering in European elections and forming a network of political allies in European countries, supporting separatism in Europe and the use of opposition groups and organizations.

This Study shows that U.S. public diplomacy toward the Muslim World has undergone a "strategic shift" after experiencing the pathologies of its past inefficiencies. The focus of U.S. public diplomacy agents has shifted from trying to distribute a coherent system of "messages" to consolidating resources to create an interconnected network of "relationships." Unlike in the past, which the audience of the U.S. public diplomacy in a "One-way" and "Information-based" process which has a certain number of "passive, single and hesitant viewers, readers and listeners" for American television networks, magazines, websites and radio channels; In the new situation, there is a "Two-way" and "Relation-based" process, in which a significant network of "active, like-minded and organized participants" are the target audience of U.S. public diplomacy. The partnership is part of the U.S. social, economic, political, and human rights Initiatives. According to the documents these activists set up a "network of strategic partners" for the United States and will be "Agents of Change" in their transitional societies.

This article is seeking to explain on how the United Nations Security Council has dealt with the problem of countering terrorism. The authors have the objective to provide the process on how the Security Council as the highest body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security has taken comprehensive and consistent measures on fighting terrorism that has led to formation of international regime on counter terrorism. Such regime consists of two substantive and structural parts reflected in Security Council resolutions and decisions especially in 1373 resolution. Challenge of a consensual definition of terrorism, requirements for states for cooperation with each other for suppression of terrorism particularly financing of terrorism, prohibition of providing direct or indirect support to terrorism, obligation to implement Security Council sanctions against terrorists enlisted by the UN, and criminalization and prosecution of terrorism in internal legislation by states are main substantive elements of this regime. On the other hand, Counter Terrorism Committee and its Counter Terrorism Directorate as well as procedures under Financial Action Task Force and other international institutions like INTERPOL and ICAO which report to the Council are structural parts of this regime. This article endeavors to provide better knowledge on international regime of counter terrorism and its various aspects functioning in international relations.