نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 34 (پاییز 1400)

The purpose of the present study is to review the sacred characteristic of the transcendental government relying on teleology. The method of research is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that the sacred characteristic of the transcendental government owes to a teleological approach to the foundations and issues therein. Transcendental and metaphysical foundations are the most basic criteria of the sacred nature of this type of government. Reflection on transcendental ontological, epistemological, and anthropological foundations reveal that regard for “finality” is a general and total requirement for them. In transcendental epistemology, existence is seen as a unified system that despite numeric plurality, is of one finality or end. In the process of decision-making and setting its strategies, the transcendental government does not act against or neglect this finality, but rather arranges its political will in line with the divine will of the creator of the world. Issues in transcendental government, theoretically nurtured by the teleological approach to transcendental and metaphysical principles, are answered concentrating on two questions: “Who shall govern?” and “how shall one govern?” In answering to the first question, the emphasis is on the authority of a divine guardian who is of ethical and spiritual excellence. In the domain of structures, the transcendental government also attempts to create the best political-social system for the betterment of people’s soul and achievement of perfection and exalted ends.

The purpose of the present study is to review the spiritual relation between Fetrat (innate nature) and politics and its classifications from the perspective of Imām Khomeyni. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and it aims to find an answer to this question: How does innate-monotheistic spirituality affect divine politics in Imām Khomeyni’s ideology? The hypothesis is that the perfectionist-spiritual movement of Makhmourah nature reaches to divine politics and the horizontal and declining movement of Mahjoubah nature reaches to corporeal and evil politics. In this regard and within an analytical framework, the following issues were explored: The theory of two types of innate nature, various cognitive and inspirational stimulators therein, the dominance of rational faculty, the role of science and justice in the originality of innate-monotheistic spirituality and its anthropological and political outcomes, the mission of Velāayat (guardianship) and Shari’at (religion) in taking the coverings off innate nature and returning to Makhmourah nature, and a romantic and perfectionist movement towards God in all fields including politics.

The purpose of the present study is to delve deep into the social-political role of an ideal man from the view of Mulā Sadrā, Imām Khomeyni, and the Supreme Leader of Iran. The method of research is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that according to the Islamic ideology of Mullā Sadrā, Imām Khomeyni, and the Supreme Leader of Iran, a man is a social creature and is in need of social, political, and economic relations for living. Therefore, Mullā Sadrā emphasizes on the social and political leadership of a man. Imām Khomeyni and the Supreme Leader also emphasize on a human's dignity as well as his high values, freedom along with responsibility towards God, awareness, and providing political and social freedom within the legal limitations for material and spiritual development of society. Accordingly, the relationship among the above three scholars on this issue can be specified as follows: Mulla Sadrā has fundamentally and profoundly dealt with the social and political role of an ideal man, Imām Khomeyni had a practical outlook on this issue based on transcendental wisdom, and the supreme leader also added to the intellectual practicality of Imām Khoemeyni’s ideas and emphasized on their implementation through some instances inside society.

The purpose of the present study is to describe and criticize the social-political categorizations of Mojtahed Shabestari that are a mixture of some western and Islamic instructions. To this aim, his epistemological approach and social-political categorizations including justice, freedom, politics, government, and democracy were studied using qualitative content analysis. Based on the results of this research, Mojtahed Shabestari in some fields such as justice, freedom, politics, and governance, aims to discuss solutions for the issues in politics that according to his claim, should be decided within political philosophy through rational measures and therefore, Fiqh (jurisprudence) and Shi'ite Islam is silent towards them. In the realm of politics, he has presented some solutions through normative and secular methods mostly adopted from the liberal idea of democracy and has also used the references in Islam to justify and confirm his arguments.

The purpose of the present study is to review components effective on the convergence of mysticism and politics in the monotheistic idea of Imām Khomeyni. In this regard and using a descriptive-analytic method, the convergence of mysticism and politics in the view of Imām Khomeyni as well as its effective features including monotheism, deontology, and satisfaction were specified. The results show that Imām Khomeyni as a mystic who revived genuine Islam by the exalted instructions of religion, the Qur’an, and tradition of Ahl al-Bayt (AS) could extend mysticism from a theoretical and individual to a practical and social domain. As a true mystic, he attempted until the last moment of his life to deal with spiritual enlightenment and awakening of people so that both he himself and others could take steps towards God. What is important in mysticism is isolation from the material world and not from people and service to them. Imām Khomeini transformed traditional mysticism by a new interpretation of Mullā Sadrā’s Asfār Arba’ah (Four Spiritual Journeys) to make a correlation between mysticism and social/political management. This issue challenged and criticized the self-indulgence of some so-called mystics.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the theory of state in the political philosophy of Avicenna in order to display the way of presenting a favorable government in terms of political issues based on Spragens' methodology. In this regard, by delving deep into the political ideas and doctrines of Avicenna, it was attempted to answer this main question: How does Shaykh al-Ra'is (Avicenna) think of a favorable political system? Thus, the present research is compiled in four parts investigating problems, causes, goals, and solutions. The method of study is historical-descriptive and the results convey that Avicenna's political philosophy has an integrated intellectual-philosophical system including the social nature of human beings, the necessity of a prophet's leadership due to his connection with demiurge, and the necessity of prophethood in politics. In presenting his approach to statism and proposing the theory of state, Avicenna deems that the best system is the prophetic political model in which a prophet or his successor is at the center of affairs. In fact, the theory of state in Avicenna's political philosophy has been based upon the divine nature of humans and the utmost role of government in people's prosperity and salvation in both worlds.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the effect of dominant social and political power and time requirements on the ideas of some thinkers such as Khājeh Nezām al-Molk and Mohaqqeq Sabzevāri in writing book-of-politics. The method of research is qualitative and with regard to Spragens’ methodology, it deals with the following question: What have been the effects of dominant social and political power on the idea of writing book-of-politics by Khājeh Nezām al-Molk, Vā’ez Kāshefi, and Mohaqqeq Sabzevāri? The results show that writing book-of-politics during the period of the above thinkers at issue has basically been under the influence of political and social structure of power, either in its positive or negative aspect, and reflected the interests of political authority. Thus, it can be perceived that the purpose of writing most of these works with special features originating from the political and social condition of the society back then has been to sustain the status quo. In such a situation, Mohaqqeq Sabzevāri as a pioneer scholar deemed it his duty to write his book-of-politics with the recognition of society and governance and it led to an interaction between power and pen in order to foster foundation of the Safavid kingdom and its divine legitimacy.

Based on inferences from narrative resources and statements by Imāmiyah jurists, the present study aims to explain the significance and position of three important principles in the realm of politics and government, and also display their priority over some other principles in this regard. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that in juristic heritage, there are some regulations to set the hierarchy of principles compared to one another and although each of them per se cannot be determinative, a set of them can lead us to some criteria. Besides, in Shi’ite political jurisprudence, three principles named maintenance of the epicenter of Islam (Beyzat al-Islam), maintenance of Islam, and maintenance of blood and life have priority over some other ones in the realm of governance; however, the first mentioned principle is dominant over the two others. Although there are some regulations for the prioritization of principles, time and place circumstances and requirements in some levels can have profound impact on this hierarchy.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the political and social values from the view of Imām Khomeyni. The method of research is descriptive-analytic and the results indicate that the Islamic revolution occurred relying on the beliefs and ideas that Imām Khomeyni extracted from the context of Islamic resources and actualized them in society. In reviving the political and social values, Imām Khomeyni had two approaches: One was introducing the political and social values, the most important of which self-belief and self-confidence, and they can be called the driving force behind the Islamic revolution in different issues. Imām Khomeyni attempted to actualize each of the above values through religious and social capacities and creating dialogue about them. Second was introducing anti-values or deviant values like alienation from oneself, identity loss, not recognizing the real enemy, lack of unity, and indifference towards the genuine aforementioned values in society. Thus, social groups without genuine values would be afflicted with disorder in their speech and act and get into a state of confusion.

The purpose of the present study is to discover the relationship between the theories of Velāyat-e Faqih and some emerging phenomena that have no religious origin, namely mass media and "decent governance". In this regard and using a descriptive-analytic method, different views on Velāyat-e faqih were mentioned and finally their relation to the media in the framework of favorable governance were explained. The results showed that considering the existing theoretical models about the mass media, Imām Khomeyni has a moderate attitude as on the one hand, he thinks of the freedom of mass media, and on the other hand, considers the expediency of society. Thus, some researchers deem that his outlook on Velāyat-e Faqih and governance resembles the theory of "mixed legitimacy" and "dual legitimacy". Therefore, the mass media on the one hand, should pay attention to human thoughts and aspirations, namely justice, freedom, security, and spirituality and make an effort to realize them and in the meanwhile observe some limitations such as ration, religion, law, and avoidance of conspiracy, and on the other hand, regard for liberty.

Guardianship in Catholicism and Shi'ism and the analysis of people's position as the recipients of guardianship are important issues in the evaluation of these two ideologies. Using a documentary-analytic method, the present research reviews the concept of and sphere of guardianship of the pope and the just jurist. The results indicate that the existing gospels confirm the religious authority of Jesus Christ (AS) and his apostles but reject any political authority for them and consequently for the pope so he just has religious guardianship and people should be his absolute obedient in this regard. Yet for some centuries, the pope introduced himself as the guardian of political affairs and by recourse to the idea of his infallibility, deemed that people have no position in this regard and made a reference to some verses in the gospels to substantiate this process. However, although in the Shi'ite thinking, the important majesty of the Dear Prophet (AS), Saint Imāms (AS), and then the just jurist are in charge of religious and worldly guardianship, the legitimacy of this position comes merely from Almighty God so people have a significant role in the objective realization, continuation, reinforcement, and supervision in this regard.

The purpose of the present study is to review the requirements of ethnic policymaking and management in order to achieve national integrity and enhance the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the existing structures and factors. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and it aims to find an answer to this main question: What are the most important requirements of ethnic policymaking in Iran with regard to its centralized unitary structure of government? The results show that it is through considering the requirements of policymaking in terms of optimal management of the realm of the country and its inhabitants that the best method for implementing policies can be selected. This issue can ultimately lead to using the potentials of natural and human geography that guarantee national security and achievement of national goals. Furthermore, having a systematic approach, paying attention to the cultural geography of the country, and balanced development are among some other requirements of ethnic policymaking. Considering these needs and paying attention to the influential components in management of ethnic varieties have a positive impact on the efficiency of the Islamic republic of Iran and display its practical effectiveness in performing its duties toward the citizens' expectations.

The purpose of the present study is to review how much theology students in different levels of seminary schools in Iran are familiar with the performance of Velāyat-e Faqih (guardianship of the Islamic jurist) during the past four decades of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The method of study is survey research by which the functional indices of Velāyat-e Faqih were explored in terms of three distinguished categories of religious, judiciary, and executive guardianship of the Vali-e Faqih according to his duties and authorities in the constitution. Statistical population of the research consisted of male and female theology students aged 18 to 70 studying and doing scientific and missionary works within four levels (1, 2, 3 & 4) in seminary schools and centers in 1395 S.H. Research sample involved 1109 people and the data was analyzed using SPSS software. The results showed that 54/69% of Tollāb have had awareness of the performance of Velāyat-e Faqih in different positions during the past four decades that is evaluated as good in general. Besides, the results showed that some background variables such as Tollāb’s gender, nationality, and parents’ education have no effect on their acquaintance with the performance of Velāyat-e Faqih while some other variables including their marital status, place of living, age, years of education, education level, place of education, and parents’ job have a significant role in this regard.

The purpose of the present study is to find an answer for this fundamental question: What is the role of the principle of friendship of hearts as smart power in international relations? The method of study is descriptive-analytic and after reviewing the concepts at issue, it deals with the reflection of applying the principle of friendship of hearts as a smart power in international relations. The results showed that the smart power developed based on friendship of hearts is a mixture of positive, constructive, and evolving aids and programs actualized in this principle. This precious, flourishing, and dynamic principle should not be kept away from the circle of foreign policy jurisprudence and international relations by useless arguments, inaccurate perceptions, and narrow-minded interpretations. Friendship of hearts is tied to affection and collaboration and finally leads to trust building that is considered as the basis of healthy and sustained associations having special importance in international relations. The activists in international relations should arrange their policies and strategies in a way that leads to trust building as it removes the causes and factors of existing tensions and conflicts damaging bilateral ties. Removing conflicts paves the way for cooperation and collaboration and also improves the recognition and perception of other countries from the reviving religion of Islam. Trust building puts an end to tensions and conflicts and by capturing the hearts paves that way for mutual association and cooperation.

The purpose of the present research is to compare the relationship between the Islamic Revolution's discourse and cultural diplomacy based on the discourse analysis model. In this regard, the research aims to find an answer to this main question: How could the Islamic Revolution implement an active foreign policy in the regional and international sphere using its soft power and cultural diplomacy? The research relies on the hypothesis that the Islamic Revolution has implemented an active role in the foreign policy relying on globalism, community-centeredness, justice seeking, and opposition to secularism (as the tools of its soft power and cultural diplomacy). The results indicate that the Islamic Revolution's discourse by using its soft power and cultural diplomacy could follow active foreign policy in the regional and international realm. With the Islamic Revolution, we witness the emergence and manifestation of a cultural state that, due to the soft power criteria, seeks to extend its signs regionally and globally. With its essence of soft power, the Islamic Revolution's discourse transformed power relations from vertical to horizontal while they aimed to achieve cultural hegemony by the creation of otherness against international actors.

The purpose of the present study is the analytical review of military-civil relations in the Middle East with an emphasis on the relationship between Ikhwān al-Moslemin and the Militaries in Egypt. In this regard, different models of military-civil association in the Middle East as well as its relevant theories, characteristics of the deep state in Egypt and the governmental model considered by the group of Ikhwān, the relationship between the army and Ikhwān within three stages: before revolution, during the government, and after the coup were reviewed. Moreover, this article answers to the following questions: Why Ikhwāni government collapsed and how could the army overthrow the civil government? Is the collapse of Ikwān related to the intellectual inefficiency of this group or the insufficient potential of its elites for governance? The method of study was descriptive-analytic and the results showed that due to the penetration of the army in Egyptian society, mass media propaganda against Ilkhwān and …, this group could not sustain its political power. After the revolution, this group did not make any effort to change the government to its desired model and also the theories of Ikhwāni Islamic state were neglected by Morsi and his fellows.