نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 40 (بهار 1402)

This research aims to elucidate the concept of political justice and its scope using a descriptive-analytical method and applying an analytical-deductive theoretical framework. The findings indicate that justice and political justice are derived from three principles: equality, competence, and maximizing both. Striving for equality involves everyone's entitlement to political and social advantages, equality in the formulation, execution, and oversight of the law, and access to political security and political freedoms. Additionally, the competence principle seeks to achieve competent governance, emphasizing competence in establishing the law and ensuring that competent individuals benefit from political and social advantages. The principle of maximizing both equality and competence aims to optimize the benefits for the maximum number of deserving individuals from political and social advantages.

This research seeks to answer the question of how security is realized and what its solution entails. The response to this inquiry is sought through one of the most significant Persian sources. A security theory and school comprise various elements and components, with seven elements usually holding greater significance. These elements include security, security dimensions, security reference, security level, friends and enemies of security, security acquisition methods, and strategic security solutions. These elements are understood by adapting them based on four axes: direct vocabulary, implied and commitment-related vocabulary, opposing concepts, and contextual and meaningful implications. Ferdowsi initiates the Shahnameh with a question about the emergence of governance, revealing the book's primary objective and focus. Therefore, the foundational axis of the Shahnameh revolves around the political system and its rise and fall. Consequently, the central theme examined in the Shahnameh is security. Personal security takes shape on one side with the individual and ruler, and on the other side, security entails preserving the government from external threats or foreign enemies.

This research aims to examine the reasons for the emergence of the religious nature of government in the Islamic Revolution from the viewpoint of Martyr Morteza Motahhari using the intentional hermeneutics method, particularly Skinner's approach. Utilizing Skinner's intentional hermeneutics method, the study demonstrates that during the Pahlavi era, Iran faced challenges that remained unresolved despite the intellectual and political capacities of Western modernity and Iranian constitutionalism, especially during World War II, leading to the reoccupation and humiliation of Iranians. In these circumstances, religious scholars, especially since the Tobacco Movement, have proposed applying Islamic laws for both fixed and variable needs and advocated for a people-centric administration. The state of political and social decadence laid the foundation for contemporary developments in Iran, exacerbating the crises in either absolutist traditional political systems or adherence to left and right modernist ideologies in constitutional and pseudo-modern dictatorships. The intellectual and religious justification for the possibility of the political guardianship of the jurist (Velayat-e Faqih) by Imam Khomeini, a student of Martyr Motahhari, eliminated the legal barrier to establishing a religiously-oriented government during the occultation of the Twelfth Imam (A.S.). Consequently, the political nature of religion manifested itself in the Islamic Revolution 1979.

This research examines the ethical politics in the Islamic system from the political perspective of Imam Khomeini. The research adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the results indicate that in Imam Khomeini's ideology, divine politics is the only acceptable policy for governing society. As a religious politician, he attached particular importance to ethics and morality, considering them the backbone of social and individual development. He vigorously confronted moral decadence in political ethics, emphasizing the need for moral and spiritual elevation. Imam Khomeini's ethical politics not only sought to purify society from corruption but also aimed at establishing a just and moral government. He framed ethical politics as a solution to the challenges posed by Western modernity, Iranian constitutionalism, and particularly during World War II when Iran faced occupation and humiliation. His ethical politics, rooted in Islamic values, provided a comprehensive framework for addressing society's fixed and variable needs.

This research aims to examine the position of the Shiite monarchy in general and the Qajar monarchy, specifically in the thought of Mirza Qummi during the Qajar period. The significance lies in that Shiite scholars of this era, driven by Shiite political/religious assumptions, described political entities in the occultation period with the normative concept of "unjust," which simultaneously involved denigrating and delegitimizing the rule. The historical interpretation of Mirza Qummi's political thought is based on Quentin Skinner's text-reading method. According to this interpretation, it is demonstrated that in conditions where religious differences, particularly Shiism, needed political power for their social survival, Mirza Qummi engaged in a legitimate act of legitimation for the Qajar Shiite refuge rule. In essence, Mirza Qummi aimed to alter the ethical outlook of Shiites (re-description and re-evaluation) towards monarchy. This change in perspective, by eliminating the undesirable application of the concept of an unjust ruler and applying the favorable concept of "Islam's testicles" to the monarchy apparatus, was initiated him. In other words, Mirza Qummi took the initiative to redefine the application of the term "Islam's testicles" and apply it to the "Shiite refuge kingship," thereby legitimizing the monarchy in Shiite society.

This research aims to investigate the potential for reutilizing utopian cities like the Farabian Virtuous City based on the requirements and capabilities of modernity. The study's primary question is whether these utopian cities retain their utopian potential despite the profound transformations of modernity or if their utopian effectiveness can be reinstated through changes. The reinterpretation of these utopian cities is pivotal for aligning vast political, cultural, social, economic, and religious systems toward Islamic goals and ideals. In this study, utilizing the dialectical method, the Farabian Virtuous City is scrutinized in two dimensions: requirements and consequences, based on the principles of modernity. Subsequently, employing the content analysis approach, the comprehensive theme of the "Social Trust System" is extracted as the primary approach in the modernization of the Farabian Virtuous City. The following steps were taken in the process: (a) designing matrices of requirements and consequences, (b) extracting and refining concepts and consequence propositions in the consequence matrix (38 propositions as basic statements), (c) extracting and refining requirements (27 requirements as basic statements), (d) extracting six organizing concepts, (e) extracting the comprehensive theme. According to Farabi's teachings regarding the utopian city, the primary foundation for realizing the utopian city is justice. The central axis of social justice is the government of the virtuous or the wise. The wise should be trained from the beginning or selected from individuals who have previously attained this level of virtue. In either case, a system is needed to record and retrieve their performance and capabilities, which can be realized in the "Social Trust System." By establishing the social trust system in the Farabian Virtuous City, as the achievement of this research, a platform for public oversight of functions and a framework for social justice is provided, enhancing productivity and satisfaction in a mutually reinforcing manner.

This research aims to examine the conflicts within political cultures in Iran. Employing a descriptive method, including content analysis and qualitative analysis, the study delves into the issue of the multiplicity of political cultures and the resulting diversity in beliefs and political orientations in Iran. The central question is how, given the diversity and multiplicity of political cultures in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, strategies can be developed to harmonize and consolidate political culture to contribute to Iran's political and economic development. The results indicate that open dialogue among intellectuals and carriers of political culture in a space free from political and economic dominance can be the most suitable solution for harmonizing and unifying elements of political culture, such as political values, beliefs, and emotional stances of the people, in the direction of political and economic development. Additionally, within the framework of critical theory, fostering free dialogue among citizens and civil institutions, creating a platform for public persuasion, avoiding exclusionary approaches toward elements of other cultures, promoting a spirit of tolerance and coexistence, and respecting the foundations and principles of political cultures are recommended. A conscious amalgamation of Islamic, Iranian, and progressive political cultures is proposed through informed and persuasive dialogue.

The primary objective of this research is to address the central question of which factors, and with what coordinates, have been influential in the decline in quality and dysfunction of political parties in Iran over the past century (from the inception to the present). In this regard, by employing the Causal Layered Analysis (CLA) method, the research findings demonstrate that the institutionalization of factionalism and, consequently, the lack of efficiency and effectiveness in party activities in Iran cannot be attributed to a single tangible factor. Instead, it should be understood as rooted in factors that extend deeply into Iranian society's mental, conceptual, systematic, and objective layers from ancient times to the present. Along this path, stabilizing the pattern of party competition, transforming the party pattern and organization, strengthening the culture of participation and collectivism, and presenting alternative narratives are among the solutions that can play a role under the attention of the ruling body and party activists, in improving and enhancing the quality of party activities in the country.

This research aims to conduct a conceptual analysis of corruption, social justice, and political justice. It also seeks to categorize, identify indicators, and provide a general overview of corruption during the tenth government in Iran. Additionally, the study aims to evaluate the relationship between corruption and social and political justice within this government. The primary research question is how the relationship between corruption and social-political justice is manifested during the tenth government. This applied research utilizes qualitative data analysis and is characterized as descriptive-analytical. The hypothesis posits that the correlation between corruption and social-political justice in the tenth government is contingent on the absence of corruption alongside the establishment of social-political justice.Conversely, corruption and the attenuation of social-political justice will result in a lower perception of justice. The research suggests that social-political justice is established as corruption decreases in society. Conversely, with increased corruption, social-political justice andthe perception of justice decrease. Given the prevalence of corruption in various Iranian governments, the perception of corruption in the Islamic Republic of Iran is notably high. Future revelations of corruption may adversely impact social justice, reducing social trust, participation, and psychological security.

The primary objective of this research is to investigate the relationship between the use of social media and the political participation of seminary students in Qom. The data collection tool was a questionnaire, and the research method employed was survey-based. Using Morgan's table, a sample size of 322 individuals was selected from a population of 2000 seminary students. The research findings indicate a noticeable correlation between the political participation of students and their utilization of social media. Furthermore, a significant and meaningful relationship was observed between the extent of political participation and trust in the intended use of social media, education level, and age. The use of social media has provided an appropriate platform for the dissemination and expansion of political awareness among seminary students, contributing to the development of activities and the empowerment of their political influence. Among the research variables, the most significant impact was related to the extent of using new social media, while the least impact was associated with the variable of education.

This research aims to examine the level of familiarity of seminary students with the concept of Guardianship of the Jurist, emphasizing Imam Khomeini's political ideology. The research method is survey-based, and data were collected through a questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS software. The findings indicate that the level of students' familiarity with various dimensions of Guardianship of the Jurist, including its concept and background (75/75), foundations, conditions, duties, and powers (65/11), performance (62/95), the constitutional law (44/14), and sources (22/04), averages around 54%. Three demographic variables, namely gender, citizenship, and place of residence, do not significantly affect students' familiarity with the concept of Guardianship of the Jurist. However, five demographic variables—marital status, age, educational level, place of study, and years of study—significantly impact students' familiarity. The level of familiarity of students with the core aspects of Imam Khomeini's ideology related to the Guardianship of the Jurist is excellent. Still, the familiarity level is weak for those aspects receiving limited attention.

This research aims to examine the role of religion and the proper approach to it in international relations. The study's primary question is whether, from the perspective of existing international relations theories, we can consider religion and study its dimensions and aspects or if religion itself can act as an agent, providing an independent perspective and worldview for understanding and interpreting the world. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that both assumptions are conceivable in the current context. Religion can serve as an independent or dependent variable, the subject of study in various international relations theories, and, given the conceptual limitations of these theories in understanding and interpreting the behavior of religious actors arising from fundamental theoretical differences, it can offer researchers an independent perspective and worldview. However, while exploring the reasons for the inadequacy of existing theories in explaining the comprehensive role of religion, this research emphasizes the necessity of independent theoretical development of religion as an active agent. Proving the second assumption will lay the groundwork for forming a religious theory in international relations.

New international relations have paved the way for non-governmental actors to enter the diplomatic arena, moving beyond states' monopoly. The pivotal role of people as new players in this field is one of the most significant developments of recent decades. Citizen diplomacy is a new type in which citizens act as unofficial government representatives. Since diplomacy, as the forefront of foreign policy in the existing diplomatic space, is designed based on the liberal democracy paradigm, various diplomacy models are implemented accordingly. This necessitates an examination, from the perspective of the jurisprudence of governance in the system based on Islamic jurisprudence, of citizen diplomacy, which is rooted in the elevated principles of traditional and jewel-like jurisprudence. It serves as the foundation for religious governance and the primary variable for producing power and social management by examining it from various angles. In this regard, this research seeks to answer the central question: What capacity does jurisprudential governance, as the grand jurisprudential theory of social management in Islamic governance, possess in the effectiveness of citizen diplomacy? The results indicate that jurisprudential governance, considering its dynamism and comprehensiveness, can, in addition to encompassing all aspects of individual jurisprudence based on the social duty of people in religious governance, define an identity-building and collective mission role for the entire nation. It can act as a disciplined, facilitating, supportive, guiding, and moderating force, ensuring the effectiveness of citizen diplomacy as one of the practical tools of foreign policy.

This research aims to examine the impacts of the fifth wave of terrorism on the prevailing pattern of the security complex in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. The research methodology is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that the novel wave of terrorism, considering its historical roots in the 20th century, influenced by imposed nation-building and multiple crises of identity, has taken shape. Thus, its roots can be traced in issues such as non-civilian foundations and ethnic and religious exclusivism, lack of consensus and agreement among national and religious actors, a disruptive and weak government incapable of achieving good governance and providing desirable services to the people, and regional and extra-regional interventions, particularly by the United States. The fifth wave of terrorism is characterized by features like fractures in ruling governments, the establishment of independent groups, claims of creating new governance, shifts in the meaning of balance, uncontrolled violence, international expansion of violent activities, and the ability to revive, strengthens previous patterns of friendship and enmity, alters the power distribution at the regional level, breaks down autonomous regional units, and creates a more significant ground for foreign intervention. Consequently, it changes the prevailing pattern of the security complex from a competitive to an adversarial model.

This research aims to investigate the relationship of the Deobandi school with various Islamic sects in the Indian subcontinent. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that scholars of the Deobandi sect have extensively influenced religious sects and tendencies in India. In this context, convergence and linkage of the Deobandi sect with other sects were among their critical keywords in the religious and sectarian domain. They have fundamental differences and divergences with other Islamic sects in matters of beliefs, leading to conflicts with sects such as the Barelvis, Maududis, Sufis, Ahl-e-Hadith, non-madhhab Salafis, Wahhabis, and Shiites. Some Deobandis consider followers of certain sects as innovators or polytheists. The most significant differences between Deobandis and Shiites revolve around issues such as intercession, seeking proximity through saints, taqiyah (precautionary dissimulation), distortion of the Quran, infallibility of the Imams (AS), the concept of Mahdaviat (the appearance of the Mahdi), visiting graves, occultation, Muṣḥaf of Fāṭima, and more. These two schools shared peaceful coexistence in opposing Hindus and the British.

This research aims to investigate the role of the Arbaeen procession in strengthening the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region and the international system. The study, with an applied goal and a descriptive-analytical nature, suggests that the Arbaeen procession, with elements such as promoting a culture of resistance and anti-arrogance, strengthening Islamic unity, and globalizing the geopolitical significance of Shiism, contributes to enhancing soft power. Consequently, it strengthens the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Islamic world and the international system. The research findings emphasize the redirection of Iran's foreign policy and value-oriented relations with Islamic countries, particularly in the surrounding environment, especially in Iraq, concerning the specific phenomenon of Arbaeen. Given that the necessary conditions and foundations for strengthening the discourse of the Shiite Crescent are provided through rituals such as the Arbaeen procession and the culture of pilgrimage, considering the global reception in the Islamic world, theoretical conclusions suggest incorporating Arbaeen-like rituals into the theoretical framework of diffusion by researchers in Arbaeen studies.