فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 48 (بهار 1403)

Every significant social revolution, in addition to the diverse array of physical and objective events and actions (e.g., marches, armed conflicts, exile, and slogans), also encompasses intellectual dimensions. Not an exception in this regard, the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran originated from the longstanding philosophical, historical, and civilizational tradition of Islamic Iran, particularly the Shia political thought. This philosophical tradition served as the foundation for the production of various political texts and speeches, each with distinct functions but sharing the common goal of overthrowing the oppressive regime. As a notable form of political discourse and speech during the Revolution, the disclosing discourse would critically examine the status quo in the most explicit manner possible, challenging the legitimacy of the ruling power. The present study aimed to explore the relations and characteristics of the texts belonging to different periods and harboring the disclosing discourse. It also intended to see when and by whom similar texts and speeches had been produced throughout history. The research also sought to examine the political relations and power dynamics they represented as well as the actions they celebrated and foregrounded, or condemned and marginalized.

To identify common philosophical and theological roots of the disclosing discourse, the present study used Ruth Wodak’s Discourse–Historical Approach (DHA) which inclusively analyzes the contextual similarities among texts of a specific discourse. DHA offers an in-depth analysis of the inner context of a text, employing conceptual tools for examining a text at the levels of word, sentence, and the whole structure. DHA focuses on identifying discursive strategies, as well as implicit and explicit implications of the text. Wodak’s critical and meta-descriptive approach empowers researchers to delve into the concealed and underlying layers of a text, potentially revealing the intertextual relations between various texts. Moreover, Wodak’s historical perspective and her emphasis on historicism can help overcome the shortcomings of the post-structuralistic analysis caused by overlooking historical background and context. DHA takes into account the relationship between the text and the political conditions of its production, ultimately providing a predictive description of the situation, the actors involved, and the factors behind specific actions.

The research aimed to uncover the shared philosophical and theological features among the texts produced in different periods that harbored the disclosing discourse. According to the research results, the shared features include:Applying various delegitimization methods by the speaker Adopting a holistic approach, avoiding foregrounding a specific social cast, and showcasing the diversity of regime dissidents Prioritizing rational arguments over emotionalism and mythicism Creating a historical vision and depicting the struggle between right and wrong Making political identification and setting limits or othering foreign powers Extending the struggle from the political field to the social sphere

Presenting a bright prospect:

Undermining the image of the regime’s bureaucratic and military structure Explaining the physical and symbolic violence perpetrated by the regime The words associated with the disclosing discourse would convey a definite truth, not a constructed political mentality nor a merely political conflict over power. This discourse could serve as a manifestation of the prevailing truth within the political field, representing all dissatisfied individuals across various sections of society. In the contemporary history of Iran, the same truth had partially surfaced through expressions of liberty, anti-despotism, independence, and anti-colonialism. However, it was during the Islamic Revolution that the same truth came to the forefront in its entirety.

It seems that the disclosing discourse occurs in times of erosion of political stability; when there is disequilibrium and disorder within the political milieu, primarily resulting from the collapse of one order and the failure to establish another. The identity constructed through the disclosing discourse is interdiscursive, absorbing elements from different discourses and reconfiguring them internally. Historical discourses such as independence, freedom, justice, anti-colonialism, and anti-despotism are integral to the disclosing discourse. This kind of discourse accentuates its broad acceptability and social base to socialize the constructed identity. Additionally, it does not differentiate or discriminate its diverse and pluralistic followers, urging all to unite against prevailing power structures.

In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?

There are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.

The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.

The research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.

In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?

There are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.

The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.

The research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.

An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis of political culture entails the examination of the type of participation and practical involvement of people in political and social life, along with their orientations towards diversity and pluralism. Despite the increasing significance of political culture for development as well as social and political participation in Iranian society, there has been a notable absence of research on the political culture of clerics and its implications for social order and change. Considering the pivotal role of religious communities in the collective consciousness of Kurdistan and the interconnection of religion with ethnicity, identity, and politics, it becomes imperative to examine the role and agency of clerics in instigating social, political, and cultural changes. Focusing on the Sunni clergy in Sanandaj, the present study aimed to understand the clergy’s meaning-making system and interpretation of sociopolitical spheres in order to examine the dimensions and types of their political culture and its implications for cultural, social, and political development of Kurdistan Province.

Literature Review:

A review of empirical studies reveals a gap in the literature on the connection between religion and the status of Sunni Kurdish clerics, as well as their practical involvement in political and social aspects of their community. It seems that there is no comprehensive study addressing the civic and political activism as well as the political culture of the Sunni clergy in Kurdistan. The present research endeavored to fill this void by adopting an innovative and exploratory approach. Mark Tessler’s typology of political culture orientations stands out due to its integrated nature and its focus on the theoretical literature of political culture, particularly in the context of Islamic countries, thus proving to be more relevant to the current study. Tessler’s definition of political culture encompasses both normative and behavioral aspects. The normative or pluralism/diversity dimension involves two variables: support for gender equality and political tolerance. The behavioral or the involvement dimension encompasses interpersonal trust, civic participation, political interest, and political knowledge (Tessler, 2011, p. 172). Moreover, Tessler classifies political culture in Islamic societies into four types: democratic, indifferent, activist, and parochial.

The present study used the ethnographic method and the interviews with 40 Sunni clerics in Sanandaj. A combination of theoretical and purposive sampling, along with maximum variation sampling, was used to select a sample of individuals aged from 30 to 65 years. Concerning the data analysis, ethnography adheres to analytical induction and grounded theory as an overarching, useful strategy (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

The interview results made clear that over half of the interviewed clerics did not appreciate alternative thoughts and the benefits of diverse lifestyles. They would not accept pluralism and diversity in political–cultural opinions, nor would they support gender equality. Concerning the involvement dimension, the interviewees exhibited restricted participation in both political and social spheres, and their level of interpersonal trust was notably limited. According to the research results, the political culture orientation of the interviewees can be characterized as limited and parochial.

The interpretive analysis of the political culture of the sampled clerics indicates that the limited political culture is not substantially aligned with development in cultural, social, and political arenas. The limited political culture fails to foster a generalized social capital, multiculturalism, and the openness of civil society. In certain instances, it can impede cultural and social change by hindering the potential for making demands, advocating corrective actions, and pursing political reform. Considering the influence of lived experience and political opportunities on political culture, it seems necessary to institutionally recognize Sunni clerics, expand political opportunities, and foster increased openness within institutional and structural channels. These measures can lead to a more inclusive political culture, thus facilitating a shift towards a democratic political culture.

Over the span of four decades, the islamic republic of iran (iri) has consistently prioritized the confrontation with the united states as a fundamental axis and ultimate objective in its foreign policy. This stance has not only endured until now but has also shaped the boundaries of iran’s maneuverability in other arenas. The present research aimed to address different aspects of iran–u.s. enmity by answering the following questions: how has confrontation with the u.s. become entrenched as the axis and ultimate objective in the foreign policy of the iri? and what are the prospects for potential shifts in this approach in the future?

Literature Review:

Iran–U.S. relations, along with the underlying causes of their mutually confrontational policy, has been the subject of numerous research studies. Some studies dealt with Iran–U.S. relations from a historical standpoint, aiming to explain the origins of mutual hostility through a chronological description of events in their relations. For instance, in the book titled US Foreign Policy and Iran: American–Iranian Relations Since the Islamic Revolution, Murray (2010) explored the history of Iran–US relations during the tenure of five presidents. She focused on the role of ideology, the dichotomy of democratization/stability or idealism/realism, informational and cognitive errors, the lack of mutual understanding rooted in language and image-making, the impact of events and their timing, the tools and levers of foreign policy, and the missed opportunities to restore relations. Rubin (1981), in an article titled “American Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1979–1981,” focused on Iran–U.S. relations during the two years following the hostage crisis. For Rubin, the root of the mutual confrontation can be traced back to the perceptions of Revolution’s leaders of America’s role in supporting the Shah and attempting to thwart the success of the Revolution. In the article “US-Iran Relations: Issues, Challenges, and Prospects,” Hussain (2015) addressed the impediments to détente in the history of Iran–U.S. relations. Hussain emphasized various factors such as regional peace processes, terrorism, the nuclear issue, domestic policies in both countries, and America’s regional allies, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia. In Becoming Enemies: U.S.–Iran Relations and the Iran–Iraq War, 1979–1988, Blight et al. (2012) employed the methods of critical oral history, drawing on declassified documentation and interviews with key decision-makers in American foreign policy during the Iran–Iraq war. They argued that the roots of Iran–U.S. enmity would go back to the performance of American foreign policy during the war and its impact on the IRI’s foreign policy.Several studies tried to examine the role of other actors as mediating variables in Iran–U.S. relations. For instance, in the article Jafari-Movahhed (2022) argues that a major impediment to improving relations between Iran and the U.S. is intricately linked to the substantial and fundamental problems that the IRI has with Israel. According to Jafari-Movahhed, the identity ties between the U.S. and Israel, together with the influential role of the Zionist lobby in America, makes it almost impossible to normalize Iran–U.S. relations, at least in the short term. In the article entitled “The Role of Public Opinion Engineering in America on Iran–U.S. Relations,” Pourkhosh-Saadat (2015) attributed the origins of animosity between the two countries to the psychological operations orchestrated by adversaries of the Islamic Revolution. Specifically, Pourkhosh-Saadat points to the influence of the Israel lobby in the U.S, contending that any shift in Iran–U.S. relations would depend on the opinion and decision of the AIPAC lobby and Israel-affiliated media. He argues that AIPAC is actively engineering Iran–U.S. relations through its media. In “Great Power Rivalries and the Persistence of Iran–U.S. Adversarial Relations,” Lotfian and Faghih (2021) posit that as economic pressures on Iran increase due to the delayed lifting of sanctions by both Europe and America, Iran will increasingly turn to alternative allies. They argue that heightened antagonism from the U.S. will push Iran towards closer ties with China and Russia. In response, American policymakers are likely to become more determined to strengthen relationships with regional allies and partners. While the authors do not directly address the underlying causes of Iran–U.S. enmity, they contend that escalating tensions among the U.S., China, and Russia may contribute to the intensification of hostilities between Iran and the U.S. (Lotfian & Faghih, 2021).The literature has also focused on the process of Othering and the construction of Self/Other in Iran–U.S. relations. For example, Duncombe (2016), in the article titled “Representation, Recognition, and Foreign Policy in the Iran–US Relationship,” offered an understanding of Iran–U.S. enmity by focusing on the construction of states’ identity through representation of Self and Other. According to Duncombe, representation and misrecognition contribute to a mutual feeling of disrespect, thus exacerbating the tensions between the two countries.The novelty of the present research lies in its unique interpretation of the process of Othering, in which three types of Others are recognized: the historical Other, the domestic Other, and the foreign Other. The study tried to answer the research questions by examining how the interaction between the three Others has constructed the identity of the IRI.

The present study adopted a constructivist approach with a focus on identity, and used it in combination with the typology of states in political economy, incorporating both sub-national and transnational levels of analysis. The aim was to examine the formation and consolidation of the iri’s foreign policy with an eye to the process of othering the u.s. The analysis intended to offer insights that can explain the most endurable axis of the iri’s foreign policy, namely anti-arrogance within the culture of confrontation and conflict, and shed light on its inevitability as well as its structural consequences on domestic policy.

The research findings were grounded in the conceptual constructs such as Othering identification, triple Others, projective identification, constitutive and regulative rules, and allocative and authoritative resources. Additionally, the analysis relied on the dichotomy of organic/instrumental state, highlighting structural sclerosis that challenges fundamental transformations. The study finally addressed the feasibility and evaluation of the capacities and requirements for change in the core axes and ultimate objectives of the IRI’s foreign policy.

Introduction :

 Each Islamic denomination follows its respective beliefs to forge connections with other Islamic denominations and even non-Islamic religions. Religion plays a pivotal role in shaping their comprehension of Self, Other, and the approach towards communicating with others, ranging from acceptance to excommunication. In other words, religious beliefs constitute a foundation that governs the relations between different religions. A precise and nuanced understanding of diverse Islamic denominations is essential for avoiding the one-size-fits-all perspective that may see the diverse groups in the same way.  Such an understanding paves the way for recognizing historical, religious, and social distinctions, facilitating more informed and effective approaches to interact with different religious groups.The teachings of the Quran and the prophetic tradition prohibit sectarian conflicts, underscoring the unity and convergence among followers of different Islamic denominations. The empathy and convergence seem to be crucial, especially considering the constant efforts by the Western world to sow discord and division within Islamic countries. For example, the establishment of ISIS in the Middle East involved the Muslim nations, with the ultimate aim of ensuring security for Israel. Recently, the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has made it essential to reassess their foundational beliefs, laying the groundwork for fostering more symbiotic relations with them.The Deoband school of thought is considered one of the influential Islamic denominations in the recent developments of the region. Deobandis adhere to the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and Maturidism as a school of Islamic theology. TheDeobandi movement emerged with the purpose of opposing the British East India Company. Due to their concerted efforts, Deobandis rapidly spread across the Indian subcontinent, later establishing a significant base in Pakistan and Afghanistan and founding religious schools and educational centers there. The Taliban group is one the movements developed out of the adherence to the religious beliefs of the Deoband school of thought. Against this backdrop, the present research aimed to examine three key issues: the fundamental religious beliefs of the Taliban, the distinction between the Taliban and Salafism, and suggestions for Iran’s strategic foreign policy towards these groups with an eye to their religious beliefs.

Literature Review:

Authored by Khalil Ahmad al-Saharanpuri, the book Al-Muhannad 'ala al-Mufannad [The Sword on the Disproved] not only provides responses to the inquiries posed by Wahhabi scholars but also elaborates on the beliefs of the scholars from Darul Uloom Deoband. The book unveils the conspiracies of adversaries and elucidates the true teachings of the venerable figures of Maturidism. The collection of essays titled Maghalat Al-Kawtheri [Kawtheri’s Essays] includes miscellaneous essays written by Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari. The collection contains some essays that oppose the Wahhabi thought. While dismissing Wahhabism, al-Kawthari delves into the core beliefs of the Deobandi school of thought. In the article titled “Taliban and Deobandism” (2018), Mohammad Bagher Hassani examined the relationship between the Taliban and the Deobandi school. The author compared some Deobandi concepts with Wahhabism and other Sunni sects, highlighting their shared aspects as well as distinctions. Hassani’s descriptive–analytical research also focused on Islamic groups, such as the Taliban, which are recognized for their adherence to the theological doctrines of Maturidism.In addition to comparative studies, there are also reference works on the theological beliefs of Maturidism and Wahhabism. A notable work is Kitab al-Tawhid [Book of Monotheism] by Abu Mansur al-maturidi, considered the canonical source for followers of the maturidi school of theology. Abu Mansur al-Maturidi refers to imitation in belief and faith as a wrong approach, focusing on the logical and narrative-based examination of the theological foundations of Maturidism. The book Minhaj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah [The Path of Sunnah of the Prophet] was written by ibn Taymiyyah, a prominent Hanbali scholar considered as a founder and iconic figure of Salafism. The book deals with religious beliefs as well as several jurisprudential opinions and fatwas of Ibn Taymiyyah, including his unconventional views on refraining from visiting graves, and resorting to blessings and supplications. In addition, the article titled “Investigation of the Factors Affecting the Change in Iran’s Political–Defense Approach Towards the Taliban” (Parizad & Shahrestani, 2022) examined Iran’s foreign policy strategies concerning the Taliban group, highlighting the role of environmental factors and global structures.

The present study used the library method to collected and analyze the data.

According to the research results, the Taliban originated from Maturidi theology and Deobandi religious centers in Pakistan, and Salafism has its roots in the Wahhabi theology. Despite common origins, there are fundamental differences between the Taliban and salafism, manifesting in salient theological and religious issues such as monotheism in worship, intercession, and the stance towards the shia. Notably, the Taliban, in contrast to Salafism, exhibits a broader, universalist approach to acceptance of and interactions with other groups, particularly the Shia. According to the religious teachings, unity and convergence are not merely tactical considerations but fundamental principles of the Islamic faith. Therefore, the foreign policy strategy of Islamic states should be aligned with religious teachings. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as an Islamic state, seems to have anchored its foreign policy on this principle. Considering geopolitical borders and ideological considerations, Iran has established positive relations with the Taliban group, showing tolerance in border conflicts and water disputes. Iran’s foreign policy towards the Taliban is characterized by Iran’s concern about the formation of Salafi and Wahhabi groups in Afghanistan. Therefore, given the doctrinal differences between these groups, Iran views the relations with the Taliban as appropriate to prevent the establishment of Salafi groups in its eastern neighbor. Moreover, Iran’s foreign policy can pursue cooperation and relations with the Taliban against a common adversary, namely the United States.

A comprehensive understanding of Islamic intellectual and religious schools is crucial to reach an accurate interpretation of the foundations of Islam. Knowledge about different schools of thought can offer a better understanding of religious teachings, facilitating a more accurate interpretation of religious doctrines and beliefs. Moreover, as indicated by the findings, such an understanding can aid in devising foreign policy strategies in dealing with diverse religious groups.

Introduction :

 Traditionally, the strategic and tactical communications of the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—both before and after gaining independence in the 1970s—have predominantly adhered to Western approaches and attitudes. Notably, there has been a significant shift in the foreign policy and economic perspectives of the member states. This shift is characterized by an increased focus on fostering economic–political interactions with the Asian super-region, particularly the East Asian subregion (e.g., Japan and China). This shift is evident in collaborative mega-projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s Arab Policy Paper, and increasing relations in different fields. The new policy reflects a discernible shift in discourse and a departure from purely Western perspectives, heralding a transition to emerging economic and political views within the Asian super-region, while maintaining relations with Western powers, such as the United States. The present study aimed to examine the political–economic factors accelerating the Asianization of the GCC members and steering them towards new Asian partners. The central question is: What political–economic factors have contributed to the Asianization of the Persian Gulf and the shift of focus of GCC members towards Asian partners? The article posits that the shift in the foreign policy of GCC members can be attributed to the influence of various factors associated with individual, societal, and governmental levels, as well as the factors relating to roles and the structure of the international system.

Theoretical Framework:

It seems that a multi-causal explanation of how the GCC countries engage with emerging Asian powers, as well as their gradual foreign policy shift from the Western block towards Eastern powers, necessitates an approach that takes into account both macro and micro perspectives. To conduct a multi-causal explanation of Asianism in foreign policy actions and behaviors of GCC states, the present research integrated macro-level analytical components, such as the influence of the international structure, and the micro-level factors such as the roles played by leaders, governments, and society. Given its inclusivity and theoretical breadth, the theoretical framework could offer more analytical possibilities to address almost every component and factor involved in Asianization of the Persian Gulf.

To address the research question and test the hypothesis, the study relied on the descriptive–analytical method and causal inference, adopting a multi-causal approach at both micro and macro levels.

The Asianization of the Persian Gulf region, influenced by various political–economic requisites, stands out as the most pivotal political and diplomatic shift experienced by the Arab countries in the region. The end of the Cold War in 1991 marked a transition from a bipolar to a multipolar international system. Amid the struggle of the Western bloc for supremacy during the Cold War, Asia embarked on a decisive path of growth and prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, diverging from the prevailing Western current. As an ancillary consequence in the international scene, regionalism has emerged in Asia, with a focus on East Asian actors. With the rise of the emerging pole of power in East Asia over recent decades, the Asian super-region is actively working to shape the new international order and extra-regional agendas, leveraging increased economic power and the ability to shape the discourse at the international level. The economic rise of China, alongside Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and India, which accounted for a third of the world’s gross domestic product in 2000, heralded the participation of the Asian super-region in the international order. These developments gave rise to Asianism as an alternative to the Western framework as well as a successful model of economic development at both regional and extra-regional levels—which could expand the influence and reach of Asian countries in shaping political agendas and the then new international order. Therefore, Asianization can be viewed as a transitional process that includes the divergence of governments at regional and international levels from the dominant Western current in political, economic, cultural, and military arenas, leading to the increased role and dominance of Asian alternatives over recent decades.The research findings highlight that beyond historical interactions in cultural, energy, commercial, and military areas, several factors have contributed to the Asianization of the GCC members. The factors include a generational shift among the GCC leaders, the necessity of fostering a productive economy to ensure the survival and legitimacy of the Persian Gulf states, and global developments in the international structure such as the acceleration of power shift from the West to the East, the remarkable rise of China, and the need for regional balance. In recent years, these factors have resulted in the stabilization and acceleration of the Asianization among the GCC member states. Notably, the contribution of the international structure is significantly more influential than other variables. The ongoing transition and structural changes within the international system have not only shaped the evolving attitudes of new GCC leaders towards economic functionalism and international cooperation but also imposed certain requirements at the reginal and international levels that could further propel the Asianization process. The latter include alliances and coalitions with Eastern powers while balancing against Iran. The variable of structural changes even becomes more significant when considering its constitutive role in shaping the future of Gulf–Asian relations.

Currently, the process of Asianization in the Persian Gulf is intertwined with the broader global trend of Asianization. Nevertheless, it appears that the GCC countries will continue to consider their relationships with the US and the West as crucial, particularly in military-cum-security domains where they largely rely on the US and Western partners. However, the increasing economic and political dependence on the East is influenced by evolving requirements, suggesting that international–regional connections will ultimately lay the foundation for the all-round dominance of Eastern powers, such as China, over the Western and security configuration of the Persian Gulf.

The rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?

Literature Review:

In Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.

The present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.

Using the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.

Relying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.