مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
سال یازدهم شماره 122 (پیاپی 22، بهار و تابستان 1402)

The research aims to understand the factors influencing the fluctuating relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the influential Shiite Sadr movement in Iraq. The purpose of this study is to analyze the causal layers of fluctuations in relations from 2003 to 2022 and to examine the future scenarios of the relationship between the parties. Also, one of the subsidiary goals of this article is to fill the research gap in this field. The method discussed in this article is the "layered analysis of causes" or the " layered causal" method by Soheil Enayatollah. Information was collected through library research, documents, and interviews with experts and analysts in Iraq. Based on the findings of the research, the main challenges and divisions of the Sadr-Iran movement include the historical background of the Arab-Ajam conflict in Iraq, the Pan-Arabic tendencies of the Sadr movement, Iran's support for Muqtada al-Sadr's rivals in Iraq's political arena, and divisions among Jaish al-Mahdi commanders. One of the destructive effects of some Arab countries in the region is their negative impact on neighboring countries and beyond. According to the findings of this study, the intensification and emphasis of the Sadr on the Pan-Arabic discourse and Arab nationalism, the emphasis on the Shiite-Arab authority over the Persian authority in Iraq, as well as the continued public support of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the political rivals of this process in the complex field. Iraq's political turmoil may result in a deterioration of relations between Iran and Sadr. On the contrary, with Sadr and Iran's focus on convergent issues such as shared history, shared fate, numerous religious commonalities, and the mediation of the Islamic Republic of Iran to resolve differences between Iraqi Shiite parties and groups, the Sadr movement will certainly be effective in enhancing and strengthening relations.

With the withdrawal of American and ISAF military forces from Afghanistan in 2021 and the occupation of this country's territory by Taliban forces, the security of the eastern borders has once again become one of the primary security concerns for the Islamic Republic. Afghanistan and Pakistan share a border with Iran that spans about 2,000 kilometers and have significant border disputes between them. With the return of the Taliban to power in 2021, their relations will become more complicated, leading to profound consequences for the national security of the Islamic Republic. The main question of the article is "What is the root of the differences between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and how has it affected the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The hypothesis of the article is formulated as follows: "The main root of the differences between Pakistan and Afghanistan is the Durand border." Because Afghanistan has not recognized this border line, Pakistan has always sought the failure of the central government of Afghanistan. This situation has become the basis for the activities of terrorist groups such as ISIS, the increase in drug production, the continued displacement of Afghans, foreign intervention, and the establishment of the Taliban as an ideological rival of the Islamic Republic. Each of these is a threat to Iran's national security. The findings of the article indicate that Pakistan's strategy in Afghanistan has resulted in the establishment of a dependent, weak, and failed government in the country. The outcome is the development of anti-security platforms for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The data for the article was collected from library resources, magazines, and specialized internet sites, and analyzed using a qualitative approach.

One of the most important topics in the study of Afghan women is the investigation of their empowerment and life expectancy. According to Imam Khamenei, the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to support the honorable people of Afghanistan, especially Afghan women. The current research aims to study the role of empowering Afghan women living in Iran in increasing life expectancy and providing effective solutions. Considering that Afghan women are hardworking and resilient individuals, they also constitute a significant percentage of the immigrant population in Iran. Therefore, it is necessary to address the issue of empowering Afghan women and improving their life expectancy while living in Iran. The research approach is qualitative, utilizing the grounded theory method. Twenty educated and employed Afghan women were interviewed.
Through the analysis of the participants' narratives, 89 subcategories, 6 main categories, and one core category were identified under the theme of "Believing in Strengthening Oneself for Change".
The findings reveal that Afghan women and girls residing in Iran possess two key sets of abilities: those that enhance life quality (self-reliance, confidence, determination to reach goals, and fulfilling aspirations) and those that boost motivation (understanding one's role within the household and family, engaging with others, and confronting challenges). These abilities are closely linked to life expectancy

The literary works of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori have made him famous as poet. However, in the philosophical book of "Revival of Civilization", aims way to rebuild Islamic civilization and prevent further decline of Muslims, he appears in the role of a philosopher and theoretician. The main goal of the current research is to evaluate the intellectual legacy of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori as a religious thinker, using the "Common World" methodology.The main question of the research is how Iqbal Lahori was able to create a "common world" in realm field opinions, where which all groups various different political-intellectual assert declare their presence and exchange opinions and peacefully manner.The findings of the research, based on the theory and methodology of Eric Voegelin, show that the two worlds of tradition and modernity have influenced the transformation of Iqbal's opinions and thoughts. After traversing a long path, his thoughts have taken shape in the form of an intermediate space. The "Common World" plan will be implemented. However, it should also be noted that although Iqbal's thoughts have the potential to create a common world, the starting point of his discussion, like that of other religious intellectuals, is not the sphere of politics; rather, it transitions into the realm of politics from philosophy. A review of the existing literature reveals a lack of independent research in this field in the Persian language. The research method is based on Eric Voegelin's "Common World" methodology, and the data collection method is "library and documents."

Violence, war, and peace have existed since the earliest times when mankind began recording history. Therefore, how to create peace has always been one of the constant concerns of a group of social science thinkers. The country of Afghanistan has been involved in war for many decades. Consequently, peacemaking has been one of the long-standing aspirations of the Afghan people. By focusing on Kant's theory in the book "Eternal Peace," this article attempts to address the challenges faced by peacemaking in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 through the lens of Immanuel Kant's concept of eternal peace. Kant considered three specific conditions necessary for the establishment of peace. The findings of the article indicate that the electoral system's nature, tribal political culture, political parties' weakness, constitutional challenges, and the lack of separation of powers (Article 1) all contribute to the challenges in the relations between the Afghan government and other governments, including Pakistan. Iran and America (second article) and finally, the sometimes tense relations between Afghan immigrants in several countries including Pakistan, Iran, India, and European Union countries, and the repeated violation of their global citizen rights in these countries (third article), the peace-building process has failed in this country. Based on the nature of the research, this study is a case study conducted using the descriptive-analytical method and citing library data.

In this article, a comparative table was created by studying the written works of Ayatollah Taleghani and Ayatollah Masbah-Yazdi. Common and distinctive points were identified using the qualitative method of theme analysis to address the views of Ayatollah Taleghani and Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi on the revolution and the Islamic revolution of Iran, as well as their points of divergence and convergence. First, to collect the text under review, a phishing tool was utilized to gather information from sources, texts, and documents. During the document analysis, it was scrutinized by referencing valid theories and articles related to "revolution and themes emphasized by experts" and "theoretical interest." Tables were compiled and included in the comparison column; then, following the process of "theme analysis," the necessary themes were extracted from the texts, organized, and categorized into the corresponding columns of the comparative table. Finally, to compare viewpoints, differences, and commonalities, these were extracted and inserted into the relevant column. From the overall findings, we can identify the theoretical commonalities arising from Islamic ontology and epistemology. In distinguishing the late Taleghani's perspective, we can highlight the singular-agent, negative, political approach, and the explanation of the revolution through the dynamics between the oppressor and the oppressed. Additionally, the significance of the masses and the council in governance is emphasized. In the late Mesbah Yazdi's perspective, he emphasized a positive, cultural, multi-factorial approach. He highlighted the significance of elites, agents, and social institutions in governance, as well as the central role of Islam in the concept of religious democracy. Moreover, he underscored the importance of the leader and the people in shaping the revolution and the government.

The central issue of this article is the nature and rationale behind the formality of extra-constitutional principles and cases in the current constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this reason, we have discussed and debated using a descriptive and analytical method while adopting a critical approach. According to our research findings, the aforementioned principles and cases are two separate and distinct topics. The identification and formalization of these in the constitution itself is a flaw. In other words, the restriction of such categories is not acceptable and is justified only for the purpose of maintaining stability and ensuring the rule of the constitution, but their expanded scope poses issues. Therefore, the criteria considered by the fundamental legislator of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after reviewing the entry of items with a structural and normative description under Article 177, are criticized from the perspective of this article.
However, it must be acknowledged that the current constitution of the country has solid scholarly and popular foundations, and its orientation in this field seems logical. From our perspective, any form of support for the constitution as the paramount political legal document of the nation and any amendments to its content should be carried out while respecting the principles of republicanism and Islamism, ensuring their maintenance and safeguarding.

Throughout history, the Islamic world has witnessed various approaches to women's issues. Although the religion of Islam presented a new and progressive attitude towards women and their rights, during the period of the Islamic caliphate and the spread of Sunni jurisprudence, Muslim women in Islamic societies deviated from the original teachings of Islam. Most of these views were formed under the influence of the cultural atmosphere of Islamic societies in the era after the Prophet and during the middle centuries. However, the attitude of Sunni scholars and elders, along with their interpretation of religious sources, confirmed that practice. In the last hundred years, there has been an evolution of socio-political jurisprudence in women's issues by religious scholars, according to the neo-Salafi attitudes in Islamic matters. The turning point in the new approaches of Sunni scholars in the field of women is the opinion of Yusuf Qaradawi, who explains contemporary issues in the Islamic world from a new perspective by emphasizing al-Maqasidi jurisprudence. In this article, we will examine Qaradawi's contributions to women's social and political engagement, specifically exploring his views on hijab, social involvement(education and employment), and political participation. We will compare his jurisprudential perspectives with those of Salaf scholars. The main question is how the jurisprudence of Al-Maqasid has influenced the approach of Sunni religious scholars to women's issues. Through analytical-descriptive methods and the utilization of library resources, we demonstrate that Qaradawi employed a strategy  to emancipatewomen from entrenched traditions and integrate them into the socio-political sphere. This approach considers both the objectives of Sharia and the safeguarding of public interests.