فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 65 (زمستان 1402)

The right to self-determination is one of the most important human "rights" that is considered in international documents and agreements and domestic documents of different countries and has different dimensions such as voting in elections, determining the new political system, Establishing an autocratic government or trying for a new constitution. Therefore, the right to self-determination means accepting the right of citizens in a collective sense to create a new political order, which also entails a significant political strain. In this way, the right to self-determination does not necessarily have a positive aspect and can be manifested by identifying the tasks of citizens and participating in things such as elections or monitoring and interfering in legislation or monitoring its implementation. Therefore, the political task is another aspect of the right to self-determination, which is discussed in the present study from the perspective of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In other words, in what ways and in what manner can the political task lead to the realization of the right to self-determination? Based on the findings of the research, public supervision and the possibility of space for criticism and criticism, effective participation such as voting and attending assemblies, associations and parties, although it is considered a kind of duty for citizens, but it is necessarily in opposition to "rights". Citizens are not supposed to and can be the guarantors of achieving the right to self-determination. Also, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, while accepting the nation's sovereignty over its own destiny in various ways, provides the platforms for exercising the right to self-determination in various ways, including voting, participation in civil and political institutions, recognition of ethnic groups and religious groups, and The right to have a representative has been provided by them. Descriptive and analytical methods and library tools are used in this article.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the macro-policies regarding women heads of the household. The article seeks to answer the question, what is the pathology of post-revolutionary policies related to women heads of households? The hypothesis of the article says that policy-making in this area is based on social justice, women's empowerment and positive discrimination, however, in areas such as lack of attention to cultural policy-making, the lack of a single definition and the absence of an all-round approach and parallel institutional work, there is a disadvantage. is. The results of the research show that during the last half century, policies have been clear and explicit in order to provide effective support, especially in the economic field, however, they can be identified in five dimensions and it seems It turns out that they have played a role as an important component in slowing down the process of empowerment or the implementation of social justice. Lack of a single definition of female heads of household, lack of comprehensive or late approach to the issue of empowering female heads of household, emphasis on economic policies and little attention to cultural policies; The multiplicity and repetition of laws and the creation of parallel institutions; Non-implementation or delay in the implementation of approved laws and regulations are known in this pathology. It seems that in order to improve the empowerment of female heads of households and more effectively implement justice in relation to them, it is necessary to correct or revise some of the policies. This article is compiled by descriptive-analytical method.

Policymaking and legal regulation in the field of children is considered as one of the most sensitive areas of social policymaking. The three actors family, society and the government play the most important role in determining the limits of children's rights as well as formulating policies aimed at children. In Iran, after the Islamic revolution, the issue of children and prevention of children's dangers and injuries has been placed on the agenda of the government, and the protection umbrella has been extended to children at two levels of policy-making (institutional) and legal (law-documents). The current research tried to investigate the policy-making and legal protections for children in Iran and tried to answer the question of what approaches and policies in the legal and political dimension towards children and children in Iran after Is there a revolution? The approach of supporting and empowering children has been mentioned as a priority approach for policymakers and legislators, and in the policy-making dimension, the activity and existence of policy documents and the activation of institutions such as the country's welfare organization and also the country's social emergency on the one hand and From the legal aspect, the approval of the Law on the Protection of Children and Adolescents approved in 2019, on the other hand, has determined the protective status of the child. This article has been compiled in a descriptive-analytical way and its data has been collected in the form of documents.

The comparison of two Islamic and Western thinkers, namely Ali Shariati and Hannah Arendt, due to the analysis of the pre-revolutionary societies, can tell the reasons for the occurrence of revolutions and efforts to create a new society. The question of the present article is, what are the differences and similarities between Shariati's and Arendt's views on the pre-revolutionary society? The hypothesis of the article is: according to Shariati and Arendt, pragmatism, identity search and humanity are the main concerns of the pre-revolutionary society; With the difference that in Arendt's thought, the ideal society is to establish a policy of friendship and based on action, but in Shariati's view, it ends in an ideological society based on constant change. The common point between Shariati and Arendt is that they want a dynamic society and the creation of a new value system based on action and human values and eliminating injustice, exploitation and tyranny. For this reason, according to Shariati and Arendt, the pre-revolutionary masses are considered to be thirsty for identity, meaning, and the creation of a normative system, which seeks to find a path to overcome oppression and create a platform for the implementation of human principles. . But from the point of view of the differences, it should be said that Arendt's approach, inspired by Aristotle's thought, considers the future situation as permanent and an attempt to establish friendship, therefore prefers action over labor and livelihood. But in Shariati's point of view, humanity is an inexhaustible subject and the inherent duty of politics is to create transformation as a qualitative and constantly changing matter. This article has used the comparative method.

The necessity of compensation for the damage caused in the field of civil responsibility is a certain thing, which includes governments, and often this responsibility and its consequences appear in war issues and the like. In this regard, the question is raised as to how the legal system of paying compensation to war victims should compensate their losses. The hypothesis of the upcoming article is that the payment of compensation, which is an issue in civil rights, is based on the discussion of justice in advance, and the payment of compensation and compensation is made after that. For this reason, this research has analyzed the concept of justice and its impact on the legal system in a comparative way, and has selected two case studies of Iran and the United States. The findings of the research have shown that although the legal systems of Iran and the United States, according to their own principles of justice, pay compensation and compensate the injured, but in the code of justice for determining damages, some parts of American law overlap with the discussion of diat, but some parts of it are relative It is fluid and unstable to social and economic developments. Descriptive-analytical research method, comparative approach, and library and documentary data collection method.

Monitoring the transactions of municipalities is one of the key mechanisms of good urban governance, therefore, in countries that have a long history of "rule of law", there are usually legal and political mechanisms to monitor these institutions on their income, expenditure and transactions. Considering this issue, this article is looking for an answer to the question, what are the most important damages and loopholes in Tehran Municipality transactions? In this regard, we investigated this hypothesis by using a systemic model: lack of rule of law, corruption, lack of transparency in transactions, lack of responsibility and lack of accountability of city managers, lack of proper and continuous interaction of citizens and urban civil and union organizations with municipalities. and councils, lack of formal and informal monitoring of urban management, lack of supervision and control over financial income and expenditure and municipal transactions in the form of a legal and logical framework and the principles of the rule of law and its supervision among the most important damages and loopholes of transactions It is the municipality of Tehran. This article showed with a descriptive-analytical method that the system model, on the one hand, has a high strategic, practical and knowledge-based capacity to realize good governance in municipal affairs. In this regard, the use of systemic theory in this article is an innovative method in the analysis of legal transactions of Tehran municipality from the perspective of good governance.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the possibility of using the capacity of international institutions and organizations in order to preserve the territorial integrity of Iran against the intervention of extra-regional powers in this field. Based on this, the main issue in the research is: How Iran can use the capacity of international institutions and organizations, such as the International Criminal Court, to deal with the possible aggression of the major powers that support the UAE. To use its territorial integrity? Using the structuralist analytical framework, the hypothetical answer of this research is that "the government of Iran has changed its positive attitude towards international organizations and active participation and membership in organizations such as the International Criminal Court and emphasized while winning the trust of the actors of the international community towards themselves, it will prevent the formation of consensus and finally encroachment on their own land". The results of the research indicate that the United Arab Emirates has been able to bring the big extra-regional powers (including 5 permanent members of the Security Council and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council) with it in support of its demands during the last two decades. Iran should also try to deal with them by changing its attitude towards the issue. The research method in this article will be descriptive-analytical. Based on this, the method of data collection is based on the type of library research and the use of existing documents.

The doctrine of sustainable development is based on the basic principle that human beings are obliged to use the natural resources of the earth in such a way as to satisfy their own desires and needs (reasonable intergenerational consumption) and the resources needed by future generations (reasonable consumption). inter-generational) do not harm and do not endanger their environment and other living beings. For this purpose, in the form of green criminology, laws and regulations have been developed and implemented to deal with environmental threats. Based on this, in this article, we are looking for an answer to the question, "In Iran, taking into account the green criminology approach in maintaining a healthy and clean environment within its territory, what role does the government play in the country's sustainable environmental development?" "Does it?" In response to this question and taking into account issues related to sustainable development and environmental protection, this research hypothesis is proposed that the government of Iran, due to international and domestic legal requirements in maintaining a healthy environment for the people And considering the criminalization of environmental damage and destruction, it can play a positive and active role in the sustainable development of the country. Also, the research findings indicate the validity of the research hypothesis. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and in accordance with that, the method of data collection is library-based and the use of existing documents and texts.

Iran's Islamic revolution has many dimensions, although various theories and theories have been presented by different researchers about why and how it happened, but it still has many aspects that should be investigated and researched. One of these topics is the issue of the leadership of the revolution, who was called by the title of Imam, even though this title had a completely theological meaning in Shiite literature. This article has proposed the main question of how the concept of Imam was formed in the Islamic Revolution and what were its foundations and principles. For this purpose, the article relied on Ali Shariati's opinions. The hypothesis of the article is that according to the nature of the Iranian revolution, which was neither bourgeois nor labor, but basically a religious movement, and therefore, according to the value foundations of the Islamic revolution and the opinions of some of its ideologues, the causes of convergence between the concept of the Shia Imam And the revolutionary leader was provided so that this transformation takes place in the meaning of this concept and "Imam" finds the meaning of leading the revolution. The findings of the research have shown that with the development of revolutionary ideology and its emphasis on Islamic values and divine principles, the social and historical foundations for the overlap between the Shia imam and the leader of the revolution were basically provided, and with the renewed reflection that Ali Shariati in the book Ummah and Imamate of the relationship society and imam presented, its intellectual grounds were also provided so that finally the title of imam would have a revolutionary meaning. Historical-analytical article method and library data collection method.

The purpose of the present study is to discuss the role and position of taqiyyah in the external relations of the Islamic state with other governments by examining the opinions and views of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, the question is, based on the jurisprudential-political views of Ayatollah Khamenei, what role does Taqiyyah have in regulating the external relations of the Islamic State with other countries? The hypothesis is: Taqiyyah will play an important role in overcoming some difficult historical conditions due to hiding the tools of the Islamic State, remaining immune from the movements of the enemies, and also equipping the Islamic system with mechanisms based on planning and foresight. In addition, the results of the research confirm that taqiyyah, although from the point of view of jurisprudence, is a form of passivity in certain circumstances, but this passivity in the field of politics, including foreign relations, can be a strategy based on patience, equipping resources and tools and taking It can also be considered as an action plan in the future. Therefore, its effects are in creating deterrence for the Islamic State, staying away from costly conditions, and also creating peace and an opportunity for foresight in the Islamic State. Descriptive and analytical methods and library tools have been used in this research.

The subject of this intellectual article is the political thinking of Ayatollah Khamenei. Basically, intellectuals have played an important role in the political-social developments of different societies, including the revolutions of Iran, and they believe in a special relationship between religion and the new developments of the modern era. However, the leader of the Islamic Revolution believes that this concept and its bearers have various damages in nature and opinions. Therefore, by criticizing the existing intellectuals, we can find an alternative model. Therefore, the main question of the research is, what are the components and intellectual damages from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei? The hypothesis of the article is that Ayatollah Khamenei considers intellectuals to have both positive and negative components, however, westernization, distance from people, wellness seeking, risk aversion and ideologies are among the most important harms that threaten intellectuals. . The results of this research show that from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, intellectuals, as one of the important and influential groups in society, can have a positive impact on society with their views and vision, but from his point of view, there are many threats and harms to the existing intellectuals. It is necessary to plan an alternative or an alternative model by removing these damages. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data is collected in a library manner.

Power, as one of the important components of civil affairs, has generally been the subject of the theoretical reflections of most political and social philosophers; The question of what and how power and its origin and legitimacy have been considered in these theoretical reflections. In this regard, the main question of this research is what is the position of power in Islamic thought and the modern state. For this purpose, this research has compared two thinkers from two different civilizations and times. The hypothesis of the research is that although the concept of power has a significant place in the epistemological system of these two thinkers, the type of approach and the way of conceptual processing is a function of the different thought bases of the two. According to the Platonic-Aristotelian basis of his philosophy, the end of power in Farabi's utopia political system is true happiness, and in the non-ideal political system it is conquest. While for Foucault, power has a social nature and it analyzes the relationships and the network of different social relationships at all levels, rather than being directed towards civil ends; And it also deals with its systematic alternative, resistance. However, in Farabi's thought, a kind of resistance is proposed in the theory of succession, which, although it is negative for him, can be read in the context of a critical reading approach. The method of interpretative research and data collection was library and documentary.

The subject of this article is the position of Anfal and its role in the social security system from the perspective of Martyr Sadr in Iran after the revolution. The main question of the article is: What role can the use of Anfal have in government solidarity in the social security system in Iran? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that considering the function of Anfal in economic provision, its use can play an important role in providing the financial deficiency of the country's social security system. According to the findings of the research, according to Martyr Sadr, social security is in the subcategory of economic justice, which is the ultimate goal of the formation of Islamic society and is possible in the light of poverty alleviation and distribution of prosperity and wealth in the society. Anfal and public wealth that belong to the prodigal have been placed at the disposal of the religious ruler to be used efficiently for fair production and distribution. As a result, anfal in the way of social security is an obligation for the religious government. In the current social security system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, less attention has been paid to Anfal, while this religious institution is able to be effective as a basic solution in solving the lack of social security financial resources and expanding economic justice. The current research is qualitative and of a descriptive-analytical type and has been written in a library method and by extracting various sources and data.

Political corruption is one of the biggest obstacles to development in developing countries as well as in our country. In Iran, personality traits have made the structures to fight against political corruption a problem. Therefore, the question of this research is, how does the mood of government officials affect political corruption? The hypothesis of the research is that since the action in the first communication link is done by the personality, the personality characteristics of the agents of the institutions play a catalytic role and create an initial and facilitating role for corruption. One of these characteristics is the behavior that people show in fighting against political corruption. Therefore, the current research was conducted with the aim of knowing the role of social attitudes of government officials on the political corruption of the employees of Kerman province offices in the current situation. This research is one of applied research in terms of purpose and from the point of view of quantitative method. The findings of this research showed that temperaments (distrust, dishonesty, self-centeredness, weakness in responsibility, populism, fatalism, authoritarianism) have influenced the political corruption of the employees of Kerman province offices. As a result, it can be said that social attitudes can be a factor in accelerating political corruption in the offices of Kerman province. The solution proposed by the researcher is the institutionalization of power, education, circulation of elites, political disclosure, monitoring and creating a platform for transparency.