sasan maleki

This research falls within the field of cognitive semantics, which is one of the main branches of cognitive linguistics, and the study of conceptual and figurative metaphors is one of its most important topics. From a cognitive perspective, “a conceptual metaphor is an organized mapping from the source domain to the target domain” (Rasekhmahand, 2011:55). For example, the term "to boil" means "to become extremely angry" and is conceptualized based on the metaphorical mapping "anger is hot liquid in a container" (Maleki, 99:2024). "Metaphor is a type of substitution relationship in the chain of speech based on kinship" (Safavi, 2013:231). For example, when we say "My car got a flat tire," what we mean here is that the car tire got flat, and "car" is the correct form of "car tire." The purpose of this research is to conduct a descriptive-analytical study of the cognitive mechanisms of metaphor and metaphorical representation in conceptualizing the feeling of fear in the short story "Broken Branches" by Jamal Mirsadeghi (1975). The questions of this research are:The emergence of the feeling of fear in the story of Broken Branches is formulated with which metaphorical areas of origin? B- How is the feeling of fear in the story of Broken Branches organized using the metaphor?

To conduct this descriptive-analytical research, all sentences expressing the concept of fear, which include conceptual metaphors and figurative bodily and behavioral reactions, were extracted from the short story Broken Branches and analyzed within the framework of the theory of conceptual metaphors.

In the present study, conceptual and figurative metaphors were first discussed, then the types of metaphorical mappings of the conceptual domain of fear in the story of Broken Branches were presented, citing relevant evidence. For example, the sentence "His shiny black eyes were full of fear" (Mirsadeghi, 1975:47) is based on the metaphorical mapping "Fear is the substance inside the container." Next, it was discussed, citing evidence, that there are two basic metaphorical schemes for representing the feeling of fear, namely, bodily changes resulting from the feeling of fear rather than fear, and behavioral reactions resulting from encountering fear rather than fear. "Haj Agha... was shaken" (ibid.: 46) is an example of a bodily reaction instead of fear, and "so powerfully did he flee" (ibid.: 43) is an example of a behavioral reaction instead of fear. It was also discussed that in the aforementioned work, the intensity of fear is based on the imagery of quantity; Thus, as the amount of fear increases and becomes more intense, more metaphorical areas, and especially more bodily and behavioral reactions, are used in succession to induce the intensity of fear.

In response to the first research question, it was concluded that in the story of Broken Branches, the reasons for the emergence of fear are formulated with the objective domains of "seeing a stranger", "sharp object", "darkness", "supernatural being", "hearing a voice", "being alone", "substance in a container", "death", "seeing a shadow", "blood", "rival", and "seeing an unfamiliar face". It was also concluded that in this story, structural metaphors were mostly used to conceptualize the feeling of fear. In response to the second research question, it was concluded that in the story of Broken Branches, the effect of fear on the characters is organized in a metaphorical form and as a variety of "bodily reactions" and "behavioral reactions." Physical reactions include "gaping", "eyes shining", "hearing breathing sounds", "body tremors", "inability to think", "eyes widening", "fainting", "sweating palms" and "redness of eyes" and behavioral reactions expressing fear include "inability to move", "fleeing", "looking behind", "keeping silent", "saying prayers", "hiding" and "animal behavior". Metaphorical reactions are common experiences among people who experience fear or any other emotion; therefore, the reader of the story more easily touches the embodiment of these objective metaphorical reactions in the characters. By using bodily and behavioral reactions, greater fear is created in the reader.

The study of the colloquial idioms, which are used to establish and maintain social relations with others, is a way to realize how people think. The following descriptive-analytical study aims at investigating the concepts and explaining the cognitive motivations in the Persian colloquial idioms which include the word "bread". The data required for the study were extracted from Najafi's Persian Folklore Idioms (2008/1387) and analyzed within the approaches discussed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and Kövecses (2002) to determine the cognitive motivations in the idioms in terms of metaphor, metonymy and conventional knowledge. Findings showed that "bread" motivates the formation of the abstract concepts of "INCOME", "GRATITUDE", "SUPPORT", "INTERFERENCE", "TROUBLESOMENESS", "HONOR", "OWE", "MEANNESS", "MISTAKES" and "OPPORTUNISM" in the idioms. The study, also, revealed that the idioms which contain the concrete domain of "bread" are conceptualized by more than one cognitive mechanism, and the formation of the idioms cannot be related to only one mechanism. Hence, it could be concluded that idioms are motivated by multiple cognitive mechanisms.

The following descriptive-analytical research aims at investigating the concepts, positive and negative evaluation and conceptual opposition in "up" and "down" orientational metaphors in colloquial Persian. The corpus containing "up", "high", "head", "on", "sky", "leg", "down", "fall", "throw", "under" and "soil" was extracted from Najafi's Folklore Persian (1387/2008) and analyzed within the theoretical approaches discussed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and Kovecces (2002). The findings showed that orientational metaphors "up" and "down" organize 26 and 28 conceptual domains, respectively, in colloquial Persian, and the simultaneous use of "up" and "down" organizes 8 abstract concepts. Also, the orientational metaphors "up", is not necessarily in line with positive and "down", with negative concepts, though "down" metaphors are inclined towards negative concepts. Finally, conceptual metaphors do not necessarily stand in conceptual opposition. To a great extent, the findings of this research are different from Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and Kovecces (2002).

Vernacular is one of the informal types of language that originates from the realities of people's lives. This type of language has different components and one of its components is slang terms. The purpose of this descriptive-analytical research is to investigate general concepts and detailed concepts in popular terms including the word "God". For this purpose, we extracted slang terms including the word "God" and literary evidence of their use from Najafi's Persian slang dictionary (1387) and classified them conceptually. The findings showed that the mentioned terms, on a general level, refer to the concepts of "emphasis", "hope", "support", "jealousy", "arrogance", "mercy", "probability", "irresponsibility". , "time", "opportunity", "power", "intensity", "awareness" and "oppression" are implied and most terms, according to the context of their use, formulate unique details of a general concept. One of the remarkable findings of the current research is that by using some terms including the word "God", it is possible to conceptualize the general concept of "time" in the form of "infinity" and "unknown". The recent finding adds to the results of previous studies in the Persian language, in which "time" was analyzed in the form of conceptual metaphors of "place", "object", "person", and "container". In general, it can be concluded from the discussed topics that slang terms are not just phrases to express the generality of some abstract concepts, but they express unique details of general concepts according to the context of their use; In such a way that if non-idioms are used to express details that are somehow compressed in terms, we will end up talking long and complicated.

Slang terms are one of the components of the slang language. Idioms, from a linguistic point of view, are unconventional categories, and their unconventionality is due to the fact that unlike conventional language expressions, the concept of an idiom is different from the literal meanings of its components. For example, the term "taking someone's head" means "talking too much and for this reason, hurting someone" and apparently, there is no connection between the words that make up this term and its general meaning.

The current research is based on this general consideration that some concepts are compressed in some way in linguistic terms and the terms, according to the context of their use, express dimensions beyond a general concept in a detailed way. The questions of this research are:1) slang terms including the word "God", in general, which abstract concepts do they imply?
2) What details of a general concept do slang terms including the word "God" express in each context?

In this descriptive-analytical research, folk idioms including the word "God" and the literary evidence of their use were extracted from the Persian folk culture of Najafi (1387) and analyzed at two levels, general and detailed.

In the present study, it was first discussed that linguistic terms are considered non-combinable phenomena from the perspective of formal linguistics, but from the perspective of cognitive linguistics, they are motivated by the mechanisms of metaphor, permission and conventional knowledge. Then, the issue of conventionality of formal and substantive terms and terms were discussed and then, popular terms including the word "God" were analyzed on two general and detailed levels based on the literary evidence of their use.

In response to the first question of the research, the conclusion was reached that in colloquial Persian, terms including the word "God" generally refer to the concepts of "emphasis", "hope", "support", "jealousy", "arrogance", " Mercy, possibility, irresponsibility, time, opportunity, strength, intensity, awareness, and oppression.
In response to the second question of the research, it was concluded that except for the 2 essential terms "(that) God knows" and "(of) God is unaware" and the formal term "God + unpleasant name", the rest of the terms have unique details. They express individual and beyond general concepts according to the context of their use.
From all the topics discussed, it can be concluded that slang terms are not just phrases to express the generality of some abstract concepts, but according to the context of their use, they express details beyond the general concepts and if non-idioms are to be used to express those details that are somehow compressed in terms, then we will end up talking long and complicated.

AbstractFlexibility in idioms may occur at different lexical, morpho-syntactic and syntactic levels. In flexible idioms, the core meaning remains unchanged. This descriptive-analytical study aims to investigate flexibility in Persian Idioms at the above-mentioned levels. The corpus contains 427 examples containing 160 "Hand-Idioms" in Najafi (1387/2008). The findings show that lexical flexibility occurs through the process of addition (nouns, adjectives, adverbs, quantifiers) and substitution (verbs and prepositions); morpho-syntactic flexibility happens through the addition of the plural marker "-ha" and the indefinite marker "–ya", and the syntactic flexibility happens through "postposing", "scrambling", "causative and intransitive structures", "objects substitution" and the addition of the "complements". Furthermore, it was found that Persian "Hand-Idioms" are more inclined towards "addition" and factors such as "definiteness", "information structure", "linguistic economy", "specification" and "expression of quantity" cause the motivation for the flexibility of the idioms. The findings of this research can be used by the authors of books on teaching idioms to non-Persian speakers and the relevant teachers to provide the learners with appropriate examples to show the features of flexible idioms.

The following paper aims at investigating Persian formal and substantive idioms which include “agar (if)” within the framework of construction grammar. Conventionally, “agar (if)” is used in Persian conditional sentences. Following Fillmore et al. (1998), this study attempts to investigate the peculiar syntactic, semantic and phonological features of “agar (if)-constructions” which differentiate them from the regular conditional sentences. Formal “agar (if)-constructions” indicate weak possibilities, denial, certainty, persuasion, emphasis, and threat while substantive “agar (if)-constructions” denote wishes, haste, requests, impossibilities, and objection. The findings showed that formal “agar (if)-constructions” are inclined towards unfamiliar syntactic structures while substantive “agar (if)-constructions” tend to prefer familiar syntactic constructions. Moreover, changes in the word order and the tense could change the idiomatic interpretation in both formal and substantive idioms. Falling intonation is also an idiosyncratic feature in some formal and substantive “agar (if)-constructions”.

The present study aims to investigate the nominal and the predicative possession schemas in Persian with a cognitive approach. Schemas are abstractions from which the grammatical constructions develop. To this end, Heine's (1997) cognitive approach to the study of the Possession Schemas is considered as the theoretical framework by the authors. The results of the study show that the Action, the Location, the Companion, the Goal and the Source Schemas are used in Persian to encode the predicative possession. Moreover, the Location, the Companion, the Additive, the Genitive, the Source, the Linking and the Topic Schemas encode the nominal possession in Persian. A unique feature of Persian, which is not documented in Heine's cognitive approach, is the use of the Linking Schema to encode the nominal possession. This issue is introduced in this research for the first time. Furthermore, Persian uses the Source Schema to express the predicative possession.

Khak- Sorkh iron deposit lies about 42 km west of the Yazd city. The area is located in the central part of the Urumieh-Dokhtar magmatic belt and is covered by upper Triassic-lower Jurassic sedimentary units and Oligo-Miocene intrusions. Intrusion of Oligo-Miocene granitoids into Cretaceous limestones resulted in iron skarn mineralization. Magnetite is the main iron ore mineral; minor copper mineralization also occurs locally as malachite staining at surface. Two main structural trends can be distinguished: NW-SE which follows the main trend of the Urumieh-Dokhtar belt, and NE-SW trend that transects the former one and dissects magnetite bodies in some places.
In this study Euler deconvolution and analytical signal methods have been used for interpretation of geophysical data. Depth of magnetic anomalies determined by Euler deconvolution clarified that magnetic bodies are located at shallow depths in the NW of the area. The trends of the detected anomalies correlate very well with the general trend of the Urumieh-Dokhtar belt. This can be used as an exploration tool for magnetic anomalies in the area and likely in other parts of the Central Urumieh-Dokhtar belt. Based on magnetic anomalies 15 diamond bore holes were drilled at the NW part of the region which cut the ore bodies at predicted levels with average ore assay of 39 percent total iron.

To test the reliability, validity and normalization of CTST in Malayer University, a sample size of 340 male and female students was randomly selected. The subjects answered the above-mentioned test under the same condition. The items of the test were translated and adapted to the Iranian culture. The reliability of the test was calculated as 0.689 through the use of Kuder-Richardson, 0.558 through test split half, and 0.652 through test-retest methods. The validity of the test was determined through construct validity (convergent and divergent validities). Correlation of the test score was calculated as 0.64 through the application of Watson-Glaser Critical Thinking Test. Additionally, the correlation of the test with regard to the student's achievement and Cattle anxiety test was calculated as 0.31 and -0.25, respectively, which showed that critical thinking, academic achievement and anxiety are different constructs. Factor analysis of the answered questions revealed that the test includes 15 factors with the Eigen value greater than 1 which justifies 61.42% of the variance in the whole test. It is, however, worth mentioning that within the first three factors that included more than three questions had a factor loud greater than 0.3. No significant difference was observed in the test score mean among the various educational and sex groups.