نشریه مطالعات مردم شناختی
سال سوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 5، بهار 1399)

Moshkan City, the center of the Poshtkuh section of the Nairiz city, is located to the east of Fars province. Due to its specific geographical location, there is a lot of vegetation in this area which are used by people as treatment. One of the uses of these herbs and native remedies is to treat gynecological diseases. In fact, Moshkhan residents use both herbal and other traditional methods to treat gynecological diseases. It seems that the prominent role of women in the transmission of intangible cultural heritage, including their awareness of the presence of medicinal plants in their climate and their knowledge and experience of their properties have been the reasons for the formation of folk medicine in the region. The source of information in this study is the elderly and experienced people referred to in this study and their experiences of gynecological diseases such as infertility and pregnancy-related illnesses and the status of those working in this field, are recorded. This article aimed to examine the position of women in the preservation and transfer intangible cultural heritage from an anthropological perspective.

Gâhanbâr is the name of six annual celebrations which divides the year into six seasons or periods. According to the Pahlavi writings, each of the six Gâhanbârs is the time of creation of one of the parts of the world. The antecedents of the Gâhanbârs date back to pre-Zoroastrian times. As most scientists believe, these celebrations were very old and belonged to the Aryan tribes and their settlers. What we do know is that these different celebrations have been put together in different Zoroastrian texts in pre-Zoroastrian ethnicities and cultures and have created the most important Zoroastrian celebrations which was held this time in commemoration of the seven stages of creation of the spiritual and material creation of the universe. It has been going on for over two thousand years. This article examined and compared the ancient customs and rituals in the ancient written tradition and the living tradition of the Zoroastrians of Iran. In the first part, the ancient written tradition such as the Avestan sources, Middle Persian and Zoroastrian texts were studied; in the second part, data were obtained from interviews with Zoroastrians in different villages of Yazd. Gâhanbâr celebrations are now held in five days. The Gâhanbâr is very common among the Zoroastrians of Iran. Most Zoroastrians, whether poor or rich, consider holding at least one sacrificial creator a year as their religious duty.

Can translation be considered as a mediating tool in the cross-cultural field? To answer this question, this paper has taken an interdisciplinary approach and explored different perspectives, from anthropology to translation, from linguistics to the understanding of cultures. In the first step, the concept of "translation" is explored in anthropology. It will be shown here that ethnography is a text from another and its culture from which any interpretation is considered a translation. Thus, for the anthropologist, "translation" means acquiring the depth of onechr('39')s experience of the "other" and transferring it to those who seek to understand the depth of very different experiences. The process of transferring this experience requires a further movement in adapting to the cultural space: analyzing and understanding the "other" and his behaviors and ultimately returning to self. In the second step, the question is to what extent this anthropological conception of translation can fit into a translation theory that is at the same time a life experience as well as a source of cultural cognition. And finally, to what extent this type of linguistic translation, for example the translation of "visual expressions" in one culture, can lead to a solid cognitive experience of the "other".

The Nowruz Ceremony and the traditions related to it in the geographical culture of Iran, comes in many varieties which makes it special in ways such as its climate, religion and ethnicity. Since diversity is one of the conditions for the continuity of life in both natural and cultural landscapes, this invaluable spiritual legacy has survived so far. Accordingly, the common heritage of Nowruz and its culture, at both national and transnational levels, can be named. This heritage belongs to lands that have been called the Nowruz countries in recent decades. In places where Balochis live, the special Nowruz ethics starts in Esfand and ends in the first half of Farvardin the same as other areas. They welcome Spring and the new year in the second half of Esfand which is called Bahar-Gâh or as the Balochi natives say Nukinruch or Nowruz. In the same cultural area, the two Makran and Sarhad areas have their own Nowruz rituals. This shows that our cultural areas also have an inner cultural diversity. This article presents an ethnographic report along with their analysis, while elaborating on the differences between the Sarhad and the Makran regions, on how the Nowruz rituals are conducted and on the ceremonies held by the Baluchis. This article describes the ethnography of rituals such as Helk Larry or Gedâm Larry meaning Khanetekani, Bahârgardani or Bahârgâhi ceremony, Sormesayi, Safar-Be-dar and the like. In fact, this article seeks to address the shortcomings of research literature in this field, given the importance of Nowruzchr('39')s position among the Iranian Baloch people.

"Persian Miniature" refers here to a particular art form (mostly book illustrations) which has remained fairly constant in terms of theme and style over the span of the 13th to 18th centuries, more or less across the area from todaychr('39')s Turkey to India. The question is how certain stylistic features of this form might inspire strategies for writing ethnographically about contemporary Iranian experiences, and what is at stake in such an attempt.  Obviously this would consist of an act of translation on several levels, from a visual art tradition to a social science writing design.  Yet if we believe that style is about more than just form of (re)presentation and embodies also a way of relating to and being in the world, then what is at stake is more than just visual-to-writing, art-to-science, or old-to-contemporary translation.  It also involves an exploration of the contexts and subjectivities that give rise to and are engendered by this form of being in and relating to the world.  "Persian Miniature Writing" attempts to do just that, in three acts or encounters, each revolving around a kind of "thinking with" a contemporary anthropologist:  Act One, An Inspiring Form, thinking with Julie Taylor; Act Two, Persian Poesis, thinking with Michael M. J. Fischer; and Act Three, Eye in Eye with Language Ideologies and Theories of Meaning, thinking with Kim Fortun. In so doing, this essay attempts to also distance itself from mechanistic approaches to "research methods" and tell instead the life-story or biography of "Persian Miniature Writing" as a sort of ethnographic design, strategy, or indeed, "method" in a broad sense.

The present study seeks to study the semantic system of young girls regarding their presence in shopping centers with specifically Vakil market in Shiraz. The research approach is qualitative and has been done using ethnographic methods. Depth interviews were conducted to collect data. One of the places that is known today as a cultural heritage of Shiraz city, is Vakil market, where as a place of economic activity, many people attend daily. Here, the presence of women with special feminine behaviors is notable. It can be said that today shopping malls in Iran have not only provided a safe place for the presence and representation of some feminine behaviors, but have essentially led to the feminization of many behaviors such as shopping. As part of everyday life, these spaces have led to the expansion of the female public sphere. Based on the findings of this research regarding to the semantic system of girls while being present at the Vakil market, the categories of demonstrative bargaining, all time consuming, coexistence, achievement of social opportunities, the construction of new identity and ideal self, changing mental state, symbolic consumption and body display as a reaction to power were elicited. Thus, it can be said that even spaces that are anthropologically remarkable and are a part of the cultural heritage of the society, have been largely eliminated from traditional practices in the face of modernity.

Soccer is known as a kind of cultural heritage such as other forms of sports. In this respect, Iranian sport heritage can be divided in to two forms of primordial-ancient and contemporary-new sport heritages.  The first category comes in to view in some sports such as polo (Chogan) and Wrestling and the second one emerges in some new forms such as Iranian soccer that has been localized through Iranian cultural contexts and history. One very important aspects of soccer in modern era and societies includes fandom culture. Soccer History falls in to two periods of before and after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Anthropological study of sport argues on the evolution of sport history as a key aspect and issue. In this article, the authors scrutinize the relationship between state management of soccer and fandom culture that has sometimes led to emergence of conflicts before Islamic revolution. As such, In order to answer the question about the relation between state management and fandom culture, Iranian soccer history is divided in to three periods including 1960-1967, 1967-1972, 1972-1979 in this duration of time.