فصلنامه تاریخ روابط خارجی
پیاپی 51 (تابستان 1391)

The Persian Gulf has been one of the important waterways of strategic Importance in terms of geographical, political-military and economical- commercial situations, for a long period. This waterway has been the focus of chief events that intricate it's situation and increase its strategic importance especially with the arrival of European countries in this region from tenth A.H./sixteenth A.D century. Besides, because of cultural interactions among regional countries, this area has played an important role in the exchanges of thoughts from a long time ago up to the present. This important situation caused this gulf to be known as 'Persian Gulf' all around the world in its very long history and to be used in different international texts, atlases, maps and various documents from far past times. However, nowadays some abortive efforts have been made to change it name. In this paper, the writer first, discusses Persian Gulf's importance from different aspects, then he analyzes and explains the motives behind the attempts to forge the name 'Persian Gulf'. In fact, it is a conspiracy planned by a number of overseas governments, and enforced by Arabic nationalism, as well as wrong policies led by Arab Reactionaries who are anti-Iran and pursue chimerical claims on territory.

Nixon Doctrine, known as partnership policy was proposed in 1970s as new policy of the U.S. The present article aims at studying Nixon Doctrine, its background, and effects on Pahlavi II foreign and regional policies during the regime's final days of reign. Accordingly, influenced by the Doctrine, Iran rapidly became one of the outstanding military powers of the region. Thus the Iranian monarchy in line with hidden and open policies of The U.S statesmen undertook military and political activities and interactions in the Persian Gulf Region.

The political and commerecial relations between Iran and European countries and some neighboring countries had been strengthend during the safavid period. The Russian government also opened up the doors to relations with Iran.the northern routes made it greatly possible for Russia to communicate with Iran through the Caspian sea and the countries on the east and the west side of this sea. The opening of commercial relations between Iran and Russia in the safavid period was achieved by means of the representative embassy of the muscovy company for shah Thamasb I. But during the period of shah abbas I, The commercial relations between the two countries entered a newer stage. In fact, he chose flexibility, and indulgent to extricate the safavid Iran from seclusion, so he grafted Iran on to the body of the developing world. But after the shah abbas I death, his successors showed less interest in commeru and trade. Also the two countries sent their envoys to each other's countries, and besides political goals, they assigned commercial benefit as the voles and works of the embassies. The Armenians were among the groups who played a key role in commercial relations between Iran and Russia. Ultimately, when Peter the Great gained power, the political- commercial questions between the two countries ended to Russia's benefits.In this paper while studying mentioned procedure, a comprehensive study has done to clarfy how the commercial relations between Iran and Russia was achieved and also with considering this kind of relationship, their political position is also shown.

This paper discusses the admission formalities of foreign envoys and ambassadors in Iran during the Qajar era until the end of Naseri period. Qajar diplomacy was mainly based on the Iranian social customs and continuation of Safavid formalities, but due to the expansion of foreign relations during the Fat,h Ali shah reign onward, which is coincided with the internationalizing diplomatic formalities after the Vienna Congress, diplomatic formalities of the Iranian court changed gradually and these development is examined in this paper. The paper is a descriptive and analytical account of relevent documents and travelogues. This paper shows that before establishment of foreign ministry in Naseri period, diplomatic formalities were practiced traditionally, based on the king and chancellor decrees, but after establishment of foreign ministry, this new organization formally took the responsibility of diplomatic formalities and prepared relevant manuals.

Basra was a halfway station to Mecca. The city played a pivotal role in trade and politics amid the power relations between the Safavid and Ottoman Empire governments. One of the major parameters changed in Basra from the early sixteenth to end of seventeenth century was the lack of an imposing effective control by the central government and the presence of various centrifugal powers that every now and then brought violence to the city. From the beginning of the fifteenth century, the dynasty of the Al Mughamis ruled Basra. However, after a while Musha‘sha took over Basra until Shah Ismā`īl I gained power. In 1512 Basra was ruled by Muntafiq, an independent Arab tribe that has politically and militarily dominated there. Apparently, Shah Ismā`īl I claimed authority over the area, but the he never enforced it. It was only after the conquest of Baghdad by Sultan Sulaymān (r. 1520-66) that the Muntafiq rulers of Basra in 1534 offer his pro forma allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan. Although Ottoman coins were struck at Basra during that time, for the next twelve years nothing changed. Then, in 1546 Basra was annexed by the Ottoman Empire. However, Ottoman rule was never accepted in southern Iraq and for the next sixty years or so the Ottoman governors of Basra constantly had to fight the rebellious Arab tribes around their city. The Ottomans finally lost this war of attrition and in 1612 or thereabouts Āfrāsiyāb, an Ottoman official with local ties, founded an independent dynasty that ruled Basra till 1669. Interference in Basra wasn’t only limited to Iranian force; when Āfrāsiyāb Pasha ousted the forces of the Vālī of Huvayza from Basra province as well as those of another Safavid officials, Safavid forces under Imāmqulī Khān attacked Basra in late 1620s and in order to profit from trade the Portuguese stood against the Safavid troops. The re-establishment of Ottoman rule in 1669 resulted in ten years of relative peace and quiet, but from 1680 the running war with the Arab tribes, particularly the Muntafiq, started again. During the reign of Shah Sulaymān some governor of Basra refuged to Safavids and petitioned military force but the shah did no action for maintain the treaty. Eventually in dominion of shah Sultan Hussein Iranian garrison rendered the golden key of Basra to Ottoman Commander and Persian army discharged there in 1700.This study does not limit it to a particular tribe or state in the history of Basra, but it portrayed society of Basra and their vicissitudes from the beginning of 16th until end of 17th.