mahdi javdani

The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the most important developments of the new century, which has faced different reactions of international actors. In fact, The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the historical milestones in the transition period of international relations, which can cause many changes in the international arena due to the presence of many actors involved in it. This war, which is referred as the beginning of the new order or the end of the transition period, although it took place in Europe, it has involved many regions and actors. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, as one of the strategic players in the Middle East, has pursued a conservative approach despite its strategic partnership with the United States. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards the Ukraine war and how and by the influence of which variables have it formed?

The research methodology employed is qualitative. By using the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of neoclassical realism, the data collected from internet and library sources have been analyzed.

One of the geo-strategic and geo-economic regions that directly and indirectly entered this crisis is the Persian Gulf region. The states of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to their position and importance, especially in the field of energy, indirectly see themselves in the war campaign in Ukraine. Among these states, Saudi Arabia by considering of its place and role in the international system has acted and reacted more than other states of this council towards this crisis. This issue is mostly affected by the position of Saudi Arabia as one of the largest oil exporting states and its strategic partnership with the United States, which has also developed relations with Russia in recent years.The available evidence shows that Saudi Arabia has displayed a balanced policy regarding the Ukraine war with regard to its internal and external variables. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, influenced by its strategic culture, is solely formulated and implemented by the authoritarian rules. Therefore, Saudi leaders' perception of their position and regional and international developments play a very important role in the country's foreign policy. The Ukraine war, from the point of view of the Saudi leaders, is affected by the expansion of NATO to the east, and practically the meeting point of the West and the East. Therefore, from the point of view of Saudi Arabia, which has always had a threatening perception of the expansion of Iran's influence in the region, especially after the Arab Spring and especially in Yemen since 2015, Russia's reaction in the form of an invasion of Ukraine to counter the expansion of NATO is completely understandable. Nevertheless, the importance of maintaining the special and strategic relations between Saudi Arabia and the West has caused this country to take a stand against Russia in its declaration policies and foreign policy positions. Another important point that should not be neglected is that the leaders of Saudi Arabia are dissatisfied with the policies of the United States in recent years, especially towards Iran and the pivote to Asia policy and decentralization from the Middle East, as well as realizing the declining position of the United States in the international system and the need to rebuild its foreign relations in the new world order.

The Ukraine war in 2022 is considered one of the most important proxy wars between West and Russia after the Cold War. The importance of this issue has caused different states to adopt different policies towards it according to their political, security and economic relations with each of the two sides of the conflict. In the meantime, although many states, including Arab governments, have criticized Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but despite their political-security orientation towards the West, most of them, especially Saudi Arabia, have adopted a balanced foreign policy in this war between Russia and the West.In sum, The findings of this research show that a set of variables such as the perception of the  Saudi Arabia's elites about the nature of the Ukraine war along with the performance of the United States in recent years in response to the developments of the West Asian region, especially towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and the pursuit of the buck passing strategy and reduction of its obligations in this region, the requirements of Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision and structural changes in the international system caused saudi to adopt a "balance" (not "neutral") policy toward Ukraine war in order to maintain relations with both sides of the conflict.

Islamic scholars have paid special attention to "martyrdom operation" (Istishhad) and according to the jurisprudential basis, they have stated the authority and conditions of it. They, also, have considered this Jihad a valuabletype of jihad and martyrdom. Martyrdom operation is a kind of defensivejihad that is done when there is no other way or there is a more importantinterest like protecting Islam; as in "preventing loss", the evidence of protecting Islam has priority, rationally, over the evidence of protecting the life. Theauthority for this type of operation is issued with the necessity for it and withthe permission of a Sharia ruler. Martyrdom operation is different from suicide operation against innocent people, or in other words, suicide withoutreligious evidence; Because the martyrdom operation is carried out with theintention of proximity, its purpose is to preserve the Islamic regime and thehonor of Muslims, and has all jurisprudential and moral conditions whit it;unlike suicide operation, which is carried out against religious rationality,aims to hit Muslims, and in many cases, civilians, women, and children aremartyred; Therefore, the prohibition evidence of suicide does not includemartyrdom operations

Abstract After the end of the Cold War, NATO's functional and missionary transformation, this international organization was present in many parts of the world, including the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. NATO in 1994 by the Mediterranean Dialogue and in 2004, through its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative Program, consolidated its presence in the region. Accordingly, NATO has many reasons for its presence in the region, including the security of energy, the fight against terrorism, the association with the Israel and ultimately the encirclement of Iran. In this research, we are trying to find out the goals and reasons for increasing the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf since 2011, in the light of US decentralization policy and rotation to the East, based on a descriptive-analytical method in the form of Realism theory of analysis and evaluation. In order to achieve the goal of the research, the main question is what goals can be analyzed and evaluated of the presence of NATO in the Persian Gulf is due to the decentralization policy of the Middle East? This study shows that increase of the presence of NATO in the Gulf region in the light of US decentralization policies in the Middle East can explained by pursuit of common goals for the United States and NATO, such as the continuation of the US presidential presence, the transfer of responsibility to international allies NATO's engagement in global security, energy security, and maintaining special relations with regional alliances.

Patterns of women's dressing in Iran's history have been shaping and evolving differently. The evolution can sometimes be studied in the form of a change and sometimes in a discontinuity. However, in most of the researches that have examined the pattern of women's dressing in Iranian history has been attempted to be used with the traditional historiography approach. Accordingly, these studies have considered the coverage as an individual, focal, and intrinsic identification issue, and it is not clear from the comprehension of comprehensiveness and the inclusion of the pattern of coverage in the context of social flows. In the new historiography used in this research, it is not possible to recognize social elements except in the context of discourses and the understanding of the field, and the production and transformation of elements into more extensive social-political processes that are themselves part of them. According to this view, in the historical era of Iran, significant events have taken place in the context of hijab discourse in society, and institutions, structures and Power relations have been formed - from the family to the basic institutions - that surround the social environment and the pattern of coverage. Accordingly, this paper tries to study the historical-discourse formulation of the cover pattern by establishing a link between the pattern of coverage and the wide discrepancies and contexts of society, culture, and power that constantly affect the production, transformation, and reproduction of the objects of social life.

Located in the cross‐section of Asia, Europe and Africa, Egypt, with its history and capacity in leading the Arab world, is of the most important countries in the Middle East, with which all regional and ultra‐regional powers need to have political interaction. However, Iran‐Egypt ties in the past thirty years, i.e., after the Iranian Islamic Revolution, were severed. Irrespective of Islamic Republic of Iran’s political perspective on the region and the international world, various factors have caused the Iran‐Egypt ties to face tensions and opposition and the relations between these two regional powers to face challenges, despite divergent and convergent ups and downs in recent years. Hence, the present paper aims at answering the question of influential factors in the divergence of Ian‐Egypt ties after Iran’s Islamic Revolution. In this regard, although it seems that the divergence in the relations between Iran and Egypt has been affected by interpretations and differing policies of political ruling systems in both countries on the regional and international issues and Egyptian officials’ concerns about the effect of Islamic Revolution on the Egypt’s domestic affairs as well, the role the US and Israel has been of the most important factor in the tensions and conflict in their relations in recent years. However, differing viewpoints and discursive behaviors of the political systems reigning over both countries, influenced by the principles of value, norms and identity of the political systems of both Iran and Egypt, are the most important factors in the divergence of the two countries and important barriers to their convergence.