Further-raising in Persian

In this paper preserving minimalist view of the grammar, without abandoning universal systems, we try to account raising structure in Persian in terms of parametric variation. We have shown Persian similar to other consistent null subject languages displays a type of raising called “further- raising” in which a subject can raise to an A-position even after agreement with a phi complete Tense. However, in this kind of raising, contrary to other kind of non-local raising, the agreement of the raised DP with matrix Tense is not allowed. In this article, following Fernández-Salgueiro (2008, 2011) we have shown in fact the parameter of delaying case-F deletion leads to subject-to-subject raising of DP in Persian without contradicting Last Resort condition. On the other hand, it seems disallowing the agreement of raised DP with the matrix Tense is due to the impossibility of multiple checking of phi features in DP and this leads to the agreement of matrix Tense with complement clause represented by the default features of 3 SG on the main verb. Consequently, by considering these parameters, we account the compatibility of further-raising and null subject in Persian.