International Journal of Political Science
Volume:4 Issue: 2, Winter 2014

Along the history, relations between Iran and Russia always faced with great changes and transitions and always, the foundation of these relations have been on the base of political, security and military and sometimes economical affairs. Iran and its people have special identity elements like: Persian language, Shiite Islamism, nationalism, regional hegemonies, anti-foreignism and etc, that some of them like: Shiite Islamism and anti-foreignism after Islamic Republic of Iran are reinforced and had deep impressions on foreign relations of Iran and Russia. In this survey, we are going to answer this question that, according to constructive elements of Islamic Republic of Iran's identity, how was relation between Iran and Russia?
To answer this question, through the explanatory method with general descriptive, constructive elements of Islamic republic of Iran identity recognized and its effects studied on relations between Iran and Russia after Islamic republic of Iran. Results of the survey show that according to constructivism, relations between Iran and Russia include different paradigms of cultural co operations and common point of views and will be able to affect and transmit from cultural field to political and foreign relations of two neighbor countries.

past two decades, “Pass through a democratic status” gave attention by most Middle East analysts. In fact, since the early 1980s, The Middle East and The North of Africa affected by third wave of democratization effects and both state and society felt its impacts. Since, civil society has been promoting and strengthening, from one hand, and sovereign governments gradually withdrawal has begun, from the other. In a number of countries, this civil society strength with weakness and withdrawal of sovereign governments was so that made some analysts optimists to the coming Middle East. However, during the time, it was revealed that the democracy in the states’ viewpoints was different from the Middle Eastern citizens’ democratic calls. Put it differently, the  sovereign political elites sought for a democracy in which there was no changes in power relationships, and participation declined to a quantitative presence in elections - with predictable results - as well. This led the writers and analysts to adopt more real and precise positions to obstacles of democratic transition. To better understanding, one should aware that, like any other social changes, this democratic transient, in each nation and country, requires proper subjective and /or objective conditions to achieve. Proper subjective grounds mean penetration of democratic thoughts and notions among peoples. Besides, Proper socio-economic conditions are very important and necessary; the   increased and promoted middle-class and its independence of state is the most important indications of these objective situations. Of course, these two positions is hard to reach, and it doesn’t mean that this democratic transition will be occurred so fast and simple, since, as evidently, the historical   and cultural background might appear a rigid and hard obstacle - or on the contrary - shortens this process.

crisis in Ukraine has become a tragedy, as is evidenced by the thousands of people who have been killed, and hundreds of thousands of refugees. It will alter the future of Ukraine, Europe, Eurasia and possibly the world. The crisis began in the fall of 2013 as a public response to the authorities’ ill-advised policy and the greed of the elite. However, clumsy assistance provided by concerned «partners» turned the crisis into a coup, a power grab and subsequent chaos, which quickly spread across Ukraine, one of Europe’s largest countries.  Months later, Ukraine is still fighting a bloody civil war and humanitarian catastrophe amid an increasingly destructive economic crisis. However, few have looked at what came to be called the ‘Ukraine crisis’ from the point of view of  Russo-Ukrainian relations, and grasped the perspectives of various groups involved, as well as the discursive processes that have contributed to the developments in and interpretations of the conflict.

Russia after the collapsing of Soviet Union ignored and left behind the Caspian Sea for a short time due to giving preference to relationship with West. Discovery of new sources of energy in the Caspian region and the significance of the geopolitical position of this region in Europe, Asia and the Middle East and the key role that plays in the power balances in the world, also West attention spatially America and the signing of several major oil deals with coastal republics, concerned the Russian government.  Therefore, Russia makes a swirl in its foreign policy in this area to create new strategies and stimulates Russian government to get back on the region and Once again, take their sovereignty back, through the use of military, political and economic power (according to the priorities of the Eurasian and economic policy integration in the countries of the Caspian basin that considered as a disadvantage).
There is the question due to recent changes in Russia after the Soviet collapse that whether Russia has necessary tools for apply its sovereignty on the Caspian Sea? With a little accuracy to actions, potentials and characteristics of Russia, this theory forms that Russian by using capacities, political, military and economic, has the necessitous tools to re-sovereignty of its power in the Caspian.

The goal of this article is the analysis of Ahmadinejad government's foreign policy according to the critical theory of international relations. Whether it seems foreign policy of Mahmood Ahmadinejad, government is different from his before and after governments. Perhaps it could be provided more detailed and objective analysis from foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran during Ahmadinejad government, according to the critical theory of international relations. Accordingly, the main question of the article is: How can analyze foreign policy of Ahmadinejad, according to the critical theory of international relations. It is assumed the critical theory of international relations has the ability and feature for foreign policy of Ahmadinejad. It seems that foreign policy of Ahmadinejad government criticized unjust and hegemonic structure of international system. Therefore it can be said, in negative form (what should not be),foreign policy of Ahmadinejad government is so matched with critical theory of international relations. In contrast, the critical theory wants to rebuild international system based on modern rationality, but it seems the goal of Ahmadinejad government is rebuilding international system based on the interests of developing countries in general and Islamic countries especially Shia in particular. This article is cross-sectional, that is done for ''adaption of theory with case'' and '' test of theory with case''.

article first reviews the history of political science teaching in Europe before going on to consider a range of recent developments in the teaching of political science, including cross-national joint programmers; technologically enhanced learning; placement learning and problem-based learning. The last section considers a range of issues facing political science teachers, including financial pressures; EU and national government policies; Bologna and quality assurance. The article concludes by suggesting that particular attention needs to be paid to what is taught at masters and doctoral levels.