نشریه تاریخ اسلام و ایران
سال بیست و نهم شماره 42 (تابستان 1398)

The strategical position of vice and virtue in the political theology of Muʿtazila, as Imamat is next to it, has had extreme effects on the political history of this group. This research, using a theoretical framework of the typology of the positive and negative fight, and participation in power, has studied this impact. Responding to the question of the position and impact level of vice and virtue in history of Muʿtazila, the theory of capacity and dimension of the fifth element of Muʿtazila toward social-cultural act and political act in history, has been tested in the form of three approaches based on the theoretical framework. Therefore, the article shows that there are three historical approaches toward vice and virtue between Muʿtazilids: The approach of positive fight that is about to combat with illegitimate rulers, as taking part in the uprising of Hassanids and the uprising against Valid b. Zaid. Next is the approach of the negative fight that goes on close to an insurgency but does not make an effective action, as Wasil b. ‘Ata and ‘Amr b. Ubaid did. The third approach is cooperating in power as the think having access to the centers of authority is necessary for spreading their opinion, as Ibn Abī Duʾād and T̲h̲umāma b. As̲h̲ras did so. These three approaches show the formation of Revolutionaries, Reformists, and Indecisives beside the semi-Idealogic and authoritarian government in the history of Muʿtazila.

Fardid describes his contemporary philosophy as the knowledge of historical almos. In Fardid's thought, historical thought, the result of the manifestation and absence of the name of Allah in the mysticism of Ibn Arabi, as it appears in the book of Fusus alHikam and in the works of his commentators. Along with historic issues in the philosophy of Heidegger, the great philosopher of the twentieth century, Germany, and brought it together with its own kind of art as a historical knowledge. Many scholars consider the gathering of historical thought of Ibn Arabi and Heidegger, who belong to two different historical, as a worthless action. Although the writer has criticized Frdid's philosophy of history, he believes that Fardid's work is a rethinking of two different traditions in the East and West of the world and its collection in its own intellectual system. The main question of this research is that what fardid philosophical thinking of astrology has had for scholars in history? The claim of this research is that though there may be some flaws in fardid's historical thought, but for those who study history professionally, there are fundamental insights that have so far been missed by academics in the history field and this article tries to explain and describe this way of thinking.

The use of agents familiar with the new government structures was one of the urgent needs of the Pahlavi regime. One of the agents who played an important role in the structural changes at this time was Ali Akbar Davar. The 15years of Davar's attempts at the formation and continuation of the Pahlavi government were not happy ending of him at all. The claim of this research is that the suicide of Davar is based on his relationship with Reza Shah. Since methodological research has not been carried out in explaining suicide of Davar and his relations with Reza Shah, This research seeks to do this for the first time, utilizing the personality typing model.The relationship between Reza Shah and Davar in the long run was based on both the mutual needs and the personality traits of both. While Reza Shah needed specialist Davar skills and Davar needed a strong supporter, they confirmed each other; however, the nature of Pahlavi's personality became more evident after using Davar's managerial skills at the time of the Ministry of Justice. Reza Shah, who, unlike Davar, was considered “Sensor" and "Judger" typologically. He was more interested in objective propositions and immediate results which disrupted Davar for not having succeeded in his economic projects during the post of Ministry of Finance. Unlike Reza Shah, Davar who was "intuitive" and believed in long-term plans for solving economic problems, was unable to resist Shah's constant pressure and ultimately suicided.

In ancient sources and documents, geographic, historic or whatever, references to Jiroft are rare but remarkable. Although these fail to provide even a vague or fragmented portrait of Jiroft, they do include some really pivotal clues that decisively contribute to an accurate description of region as clearly as possible. Applying the librarian and field methodology, this essay set out to tap into such sources seeking out references to Jiroft. Generally speaking, the findings of this essay boil down to the following. Jiroft goes well back into pre-Muslem invasion era. Its name keeps coming up to the sixth century as a seat of incidents in south-eastern lran. All the same, Jiroft starts to gradually go down in significance as an urban center in the subsequent centuries and although, in the light of old documents, its name (Jiroft) kept comming up, no clear reference has ever been made to Jiroft itself in the very same documents. Infect, in such documents Jiroft is referred to not as a city or urban center, but a vast geographical region to the south of the state of Kerman

Tolerance policy of Timurid statesmen, Shi’it bond with Sufism flow and the effosrt of Shi’ites, especially after the fall of the Abbasid caliphate provided a ground for the Shi’ite religion to grow in the Timurid era (913-771 AH) in various dimensions. This point affects other components of Iranian identity, including art and architecture, and the causes gradual development of Shi’it approaches in Iranian art and architecture from this time omward (Some use the term "Shiite art"). Increasing the use of Shiite ornaments in buildings such as Imam Zadegan, the shrine of the Eighth Imam (Pbuh), important Iranian mosques and other monuments in the 9th century, confirms this point. In this regard, the definition and formation of this art in general, and the relationship of architecture and the Shi’ite religion in the Timurid era in particular is the main question of the present article. The research is done by the use of descriptive-analytical method, field study, and referring to library resources.

One of the important issues facing the government and the people In the Mozhafari era was a phenomenon called famine and the crisis of bread. This has endangering consequences, including trade and trade stagnation, severe decline in cultivation, the spread of contagious diseases, migration Caused mortality and insecurity to the people. This crisis has led to the spread of poverty, theft, and so on. As a result, there are many urban protests during the Mozhafi period, which led to the Constitutional Revolution. This paper aimes to study the causes and factors of the bread crisis in the Mozafari era, and its process and its consequences, based on the documents and historical sources. The main focus of this paper is based on the findings of the answer to the following questions: 1. what was the cause and frequency of famine in the mosquito period? What are the social and economic outcomes of the bread crisis?

Tsarist Russia's conquest of Southern Caucasia in the early 19th century was her first step toward establishing a new colonial order in the region. This colonial order prepared the situation for more extensive changes in political, social and administrative fields and was of crucial importance for structural integration of the region into the Russian empire. Focusing on the career of A. P. Yermolov and his policies, this paper aims to re-evaluate the earliest phases of these colonial changes.  With a political and administrative approach and based on contemporary sources and archival data, it aims to prepare an explanation of the nature of Russian colonialism in Transcaucasia. This paper is organized into three parts; the first one deals with the politico-administrative aspect of Yermolov policy, the second one surveys his policies to establish a new social and administrative order, and the last part sheds lights on his economic policies to strengthen the new colonial established order. As the results show, the nature of Russian colonial rule in Transcaucasia was apparently affected from the military-instructive approaches of its founders.

The challenging framework of the old political power in the Constitutional Revolution led to many changes in the social and economic structures of Iran, which became part of urban renewal and renaissance. But due to political crises after the Constitutional Revolution and the outbreak of the World War I, practically new ideas in the physical change of cities were interrupted. With the reign of Reza Shah and the new order in which the Majles, the Army and the emerging bureaucracy formed its foundations, modernization was found in urban plans and designs. The ideas within the head followed the changing faces of the cities, whose type of structure was a symbol of backwardness and tradition, and which had to be quickly adapted to other parts of society, a new, and regular appearance. The existence of urban management infrastructure, such as Baladiah, was binding on such plans, so rules were quickly drafted to establish such institutions. The city of Yazd entered the changes relative to its population and history, although later than many other cities, but with the formation of Baladieh of Yazd in the year 1310, urban renewal projects, which symbolized cross-streets, were applied to various parts of that city, which an example was the construction of two main streets of Pahlavi and Shah and the passage of these streets right in the middle of the historical urban fabric.