فصلنامه سیاست خارجی
سال سی و سوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 130، تابستان 1398)

Discourses form upon specific contexts. Discourse of ISIS is being no exception, formed upon contexts of historical discourses in the Middle East, which is compound of history and rituals of their respective societies in Iraq and Syria. Rise of similar phenomena is the Inverse of social development. Consequently, the discursive situation of Iraq, hegemonized by Ba'ath discourse, prior to the fall of Saddam and its consequent combination with Islamism, and later, occupation of the country and its hegemony by Democracy, are turning points resulted in the structuring of ISIS discourse. On the other hand, the discourse of Caliphate has impacted ISIS discourse in a way that ISIS cherry-pick specific notions out of the whole discourse. Although, the Barbarism Discursive impacts shall not be dismissed for the case of other discourses, including, of ISIS, with which, we can line out compromise or contrast between Barbarism and other discourses. In the present paper, Discourse Analysis is chosen as the framework, in order to evaluate contexts, and finally, distinguish their role in the structuring of ISIS discourse. It became clear that the relationship between ISIS discourse and tribal context, history of Islamism and Caliphate in the region led to the birth of ISIS discourse, specifically considering the discursive history of the region as the medium for ISIS to form historical legitimacy using cultural and historical relationship between Arabs of the region with their ancestors and Barbarism discourse, dispersed Signifiers of Ba'ath discourse in mindset of Iraqis, conflict between Ottoman Caliphate discourse and Shia and Kurds discourses.

Given the multilateralism of the international system, this article discusses the importance of Iran’s Eastern strategy, position and role, and points out opportunities, possibilities, and limits of the international system for Eastern policy. The main point here is that the international system in any period has a fundamental influence on the behavior of states and setting norms, therefore, offering a clear understanding of the system can help explain and analyze the international politics and the foreign policy of global and regional powers. The main question here is that what roles Eurasian states as well as Iran will play in shaping the future international system, and how can Iran’s position in this process be defined? The idea presented here is that the alternative trend for shaping the future international system requires greater cooperation between great and regional powers in Eurasia, and without such interactions, the possibility of playing a role in shaping this structure will be severely limited - Iran’s Eastern strategy has been adopted with such a goal. To examine this idea, first the international system in the last three decades will be discussed, then the current trends for shaping the future system will be reviewed, and finally, a discussion on Eastern policy and Iran-Russia cooperation will be presented in the conclusion.

American type of nationalism, contrary to conventional forms of nationalism, is not rooted in soil, religion or ethnicity, rather it was formed around a set of shared universal values during the war of independence. This liberal interpretation of nationalism is unique and has survived throughout American history until the election of Donald Trump as president. Even before he assumed power, his vision of nationalism and American identity was in sharp contrast with the liberal interpretation of nationalism which the country had embraced since its birth. To him, “being an American” has some prerequisites which many immigrants don’t possess. The implementation of president trump’s interpretation of nationalism has polarized America and it is threatening to change the fabrics of American society. The menace does not cease here and has international ramifications for the Islamic world in general and Iran in particular.
This essay is divided into three major parts. In the first part the author will examine the complex issue of how nationalism was formed among American pioneers and its role as a foreign policy tool during different periods in U.S. history. The second part deals with the components of President Trumps version of nationalism and will shed light on the pedigrees of President Trump’s  animosity toward Islam in general and the Islamic republic of Iran in particular. Part three will be the conclusion.

The theory of “One country, two systems” was mainly known in the 21st century, when a communist country like China could implement economic liberalization and reform policies, taking out 800 million persons out of poverty in 40 years, despite its authoritarian system, centralized planning and low level of civil society engagement. This article intends to study the “one country, two system” in China- Hong Kong- Taiwan and respond to the question that if a communist ideological system could achieve economic development with liberal economy means and mechanisms, avoiding social conflicts? Is it possible to consider mixed systems as a success story for development or it would be more convenient to refrain generalizing specific achievements? Mindful of the catastrophic results of mixed policies in some countries, it is possible to conclude  that states like China, with a high level of authority and sufficient financial resources are better positioned to execute policies like “one country, two system” model, without being subject to pay an unaffordable cost.

This paper examine the impact of strategic culture of the Zionist regime on its military strategy.  The Zionist regime occupied Islamic lands especially after 1967 war and threatened them with a military strike repeatedly. The Zionist regime has used a definite and consistent military strategy as if we were facing a steady pattern of thinking and action on the military strategy of the regime. Hence, this paper seeks to examine the reason for adopting this specific military strategy from a different perspective on military attitudes. The present article believes that the reason for the adoption of a certain military strategy by the Zionist regime should be sought in cultural factors, especially the strategic culture of Zionist regime. Accordingly, the present article first explores the role of strategic culture in adopting a style of war. Then the elements and components of the strategic culture of the Zionist regime are expressed and are shown finally the impact of these cultural components on the military strategy of the Zionist regime.

Turbulent financial climate in Egypt forced this country to diversify its economic and political relations and renew its relations with East Asian countries, especially China, while maintaining its relationship with U.S. and other Western countries. Egypt's participation in the Belt Road project is the main driver for advancing economic and political relations with China. Cairo is planning to avoid challenging political relations and emphasize on economic benefits to help with Belt and Road Initiative to develop Suez Canal and other projects like railroad and the new capital. Expanding bilateral relations through Belt and Road Initiative resulted in signing the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and China becoming the biggest goods exporter to Egypt. China needs new markets and outsourcing to continue its economic growth. It could introduce many new projects through the Initiative and justify its expanse in the world. Today, China and Egypt are closer than ever and their leaders use terms like civilization to deepen ties and mix with economic projects.