پژوهشنامه تاریخ تمدن اسلامی
سال پنجاه و دوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 108، بهار و تابستان 1398)

One of the first fields affected by modernism in Islamic societies over the past two centuries was education. Expansion of the modern system of education, its relative successes, and supports by governments led to a long period of passivity, imitation, and submission in Islamic societies. The late decades of the 20th century revealed drawbacks of this modern system and Islamic scholars tried to review their religion heritage, criticize the Western schools, and introduce comprehensive replacements. They were looking for something rooted in their religion and compatible with today needs. Mohammad Abid Aljabiri critically reviewed the tradition and modernism in Islamic world. He classified education in Morocco into pre-colonization, colonization, and post-colonization and further examined the latter in four fields of Taʾmim (public education), Tuhid (equalization), Taʾrib(Arabization), and Almaqribia (Moroccozation). He supported replacing modernization of social masses by the education compatible with indigenous condition. The present paper elaborates on Jabiri’s ideas about modern education.

Siyar al-Mulūk or Sīyāsat-Nāma is a masterpiece of Persian literature and an unparalleled work in the history of Iranian political thought. However, it contains inaccurate and contradictory remarks that not only have challenged his writer’s character and knowledge but also cast doubt on its ascription to Niẓām al-Mulk Ṭūsī. These two issues have resulted in numerous speculations and scholarship. The present study first criticizes and summarizes the results of these studies, and then through presenting the work’s inaccuracies and contradictions, offers new evidence regarding the fabrications in some parts of Siyar al-Mulūk. Finally, based on the above findings, this study reveals that most of Siyar al-Mulūk’s fabrications are basically contradictory and inaccurate parts, and the forger has certainly been one of the descendants of Niẓām al-Mulk or their associates.

During the seventh century, due to various political, social, and cultural factors such as the activities of Shi'ite scholars, the Sufis and the social movement of Futuwa, political turmoil, and Mongol religious tolerance the Imami Shi'ism expanded. The function of the Shi'a ministers in the court of the Abbasid caliphate is one of these factors. By a descriptive-analytical method, this article seeks to give a brief overview of the life and career of Shia ministers in the 7th century AH, and examine their role in expansion of Shi’ism. The findings of this study show that during this period, the Abbasid caliph al-Naser le-Din al-Allah (r. 575-622 AH), for religious unity, appointed some of the Shi'ites to the ministry. Using the opportunity, Shi'ite ministers also played a prominent role on the strengthening the cultural and social development of Shi'ites and promoting their beliefs in the caliphate territory through various manners such as assigning office positions to their co-religions, reconstruction of the tombs of the Imams and, trusteeship of Mustansaria School.

The decrease or increase in Waqf (charitable endowment) on Sufis during the Ilkhanid period (656-735 AH) was directly related to gaining legitimacy through Islamization and conformity with Iranian culture and civilization. The non-Muslim Ilkhanids did not need to gain legitimacy through Sufis and their masters, and as a result, the charitable endowment remained stagnant. After the fall of the Baghdad caliphate and the Ilkhanids' Islamization at the hands of the Sufis and their masters, the charitable endowment on Sufis in the new trend of Ilkhanid rule increased. Some influential figuers, such as Khawaja Rashid al-Din Fadlullah, played an important role in the process of cultural adaptation through Sufis. The increase in the charitable endowment on Sufis has improved their economic status. Therefore, the rule of the Muslim Ilkhanids was beneficial to the Sufis and their masters financially and spiritually and socially.

With the arrival of the Prophet (peace be upon him) and the immigrants to Yathrib, and the construction of a mosque with a religious and political focus, and the establishment of simple houses for himself and the immigrants, the Prophet sought to apply religious beliefs in the design of urban space and architecture of buildings as well as social relationships. In the shadow of the civil covenant, residents of the city, especially Jewish community, were given equal citizenship rights and in the shadow of the brotherhood treaty the Muslims were united in the faith and endowed with places of worship and public facilities for all citizenssuch as gardens, wells and waters and pastures for horses. Thus, Yathrib became a Muslim city with monotheistic and idealistic foundations, and its simple architectural style combined with the avoidance of class divisions. And, of course, the simultaneous attention given to the amenities and public welfare of the citizens indicated the connection between the worldly and spiritual aspects of that city.

The origin of the Naqshbandi order can be traced to the Sufi tradition of Khojagan in Transoxiana. This order has continued to live as an active and universal one. In spite of the apolitical approach of the Khajagan, Naqshbandi's Sheikhs gradually entered into politics during the Timurid era. The aim of the present research is to find out why and how Naqshbandi's sheikhs has entered into politics during this period. According to the findings of this study, the close connection of Baha'addin Naqshband, the eponym of the order, with influential religious scholars, opened the line of Naqshbandi's sheikhs to politics. Moreover, the struggles of the Timurid princes over power after Shahrokh's death, increased the activity for the growing order of Naqshbandiyah, especially since Ahrar, the active Naqshbandi Sheikh at that time, was an influential figure among the Timurid.

All geographical works in Islamic period, both descriptive and mathematical, agree to choose the equator as the source of latitude, but following the Indians, the source of the longitude was sometimes considered the “cupola of the Earth” (Qubba al-ʾArḍ) and following the Greeks sometimes the “Eternal Island” (Jazāʾir Khālidāt). Moreover, division of the inhabited part of the Earth into seven Climes is based on the length of the longest day and it also depends to geographical latitude. Hence, the authors of the astronomical works bring the computations of the latitude in their works but they do not usually mention to the computations of the longitude. Bīrūnī, in his Taḥdīd Nihāyāt al-Amākin -that we can consider it as a mathematical geography work- brings two kind of computations. This article studies the methods of computation of the longitude deference between two places based on moon eclipse in Bīrūnī’s Taḥdīd.

The Umayyads' getting to power in the Levant provided them with the basis to develop their relations with the people of Damascus who made up a large part of the Levant's (Shām) inhabitants. The inhabitants of Damascus were under the Roman rule until the Islamic conquest, and were to accept the new Muslim rule. Therefore, the Ahl ul-ḏimmah had to maintain the social and administrative position they held during the Roman domination, and the Umayyad Caliphs also needed the expertise and experience of the Ahl ul-ḏimmah to govern their vast territory. This study seeks to answer the question of how the people of Dhimma maintained their social status in the social structure of the Umayyad government and were able to dominate the Umayyad administrative structure.