فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و سوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 87، بهار 1399)

Transforming the organizing of the governmental institutions in the Islamic Republic of Iran into a parliamentary regime is a concern in which has been the focus of some writers and experts in recent years. In theoretical approaches, some see the Parliamentarization as a strategy to overcome the current problems, but some believe that the problems does not consider arising from the current regime's model in terms of the form of separation of powers and sometimes the problem has been known with the current Quasi-presidential regime and the necessity to move on to the requirements of real presidential regime. There are also two distinct views among the supporters of Parliamentarization: one that considers changing laws as an automatic setting of conditions for the efficient establishment of the parliamentary system and another view that believes it must be first prepared the conditions of the parliamentary system and then make change with less risk.

Managing and countering ethnic and religious extremist actions requires a thorough understanding of the components of the tendency of the element's members of these groups. At first glance, the idea is to deprive these elements of normal life and then join extremist ethnic and religious groups such as ISIS. The aim of this study is to answer the question: "What effect do the components of relative deprivation have on the tendency of some residents of the west of Iran to ISIS?". Considering the existing historical concepts and models to explain the factors of tendency to ethnic and religious extremist groups, new conceptual model has been designed using the theory of relative deprivation and has been studied by 80 security convicts with a history of membership in the ISIS group. The research data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software and regression and Friedman tests. In the end, the effectiveness of each variable was discussed in terms of existence and intensity.

National awareness is a fundamental factor in ensuring territorial security. National consciousness arises when a public perception of the public good and security of a land is realized. Among the important factors that have influenced the process of formation of public good and security in modern Europe are the national governments. National governments have been the product of new attitudes that have dominated national, customary, and local historiography more than anything else. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to show the impact of national historiography on the formation of the national state in the late Middle Ages with emphasis on the concept of security and public good of the nation. The main question of the article is what effect has the new style of national historiography on the formation and continuation of intergovernmental national governments? The hypothesis of the article is that addressing the issue of the nation in new historiographies has caused the concept of the nation and the preservation of security and the realization of its public good to be in the center of attention and provide the necessary material for the government.

The United States is a world leader in economic sanctions. Since 2005, with the application of "financial sanctions" we have witnessed a "paradigm shift" in sanctions policy. This article seeks to answer the question: "What are the foundations of US financial sanctions?" The hypothesis of the article is that financial sanctions are based on two main pillars in which the United States has made it possible to exclusively use financial sanctions for its foreign policy: First, to create a legal regime to combat money laundering and its globalization, and secondly, the centrality of the dollar in the global financial system. The second question of the article is "What is the place of financial sanctions in US foreign policy?" The author argues that US policymakers' understanding of the effectiveness of financial sanctions has led to the promotion of this tool among foreign policy instruments and the transformation of the Treasury from a marginalized institution to a central one in guiding US foreign and security policy.

This article will discuss and compare The United States national security strategies over the past two decades. With focusing on three general considerations of "problem definition," "goals," and "approaches" in US national security strategies, the authors believe that there is a significant link between the Bush administration and the Obama administration national security strategies especially in definition of national security goals. This is also correct about foreign policy instruments (such as the alliances, coalition-building and multilateralism) exception the pre-emptive war, of course.  The remarkable difference between of them is about the relative importance of international order. During the Trump administration the language of problem definition, goals and tools has changed significantly. In light of the principled realism and sovereignty of the nations, the Trump’s NSS reflects a significant difference and emphasizes on the America First strategy, protectionism, reject the international responsibilities, diminishing military commitments and unilateralism.

This study seeks to answer the following question: given the dynamic development of the European Union and widespread changes since the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, which areas in Europe are considered to be the new strategic points and what are the European Union's main tools to control those areas? This paper explores the issue by assuming that new strategic points for European Union are fluid and identified by the type of threats they pose, and that the European Union's neighborhood policy is the main tool to dominate and control these strategic points. The findings of the study show that the humanitarian issues such as the refugee crisis, illegal immigration and human trafficking, as well as European Union's dependence on Russian energy resources, have transformed certain areas on the southern Mediterranean and Black Sea coastlines into new strategic points in Europe. Also, in the future, given the rigidity of EU geostrategy in the south, strategic points will be increasingly within the European Union borders, on the Mediterranean coastlines. Furthermore, we analyze new strategic points within the EU borders by introducing a new geostrategic model of internalization. Regarding the EU instruments of control, the use of the Neighborhood Policy tool in the East and South to manage strategic areas as well as border points is on the Commission's agenda.