فصلنامه سازمان های بین المللی
سال چهارم شماره 4 (پیاپی 13، زمستان 1400)

The present article examines the evolution of China's behavioral characteristics in the three governing systems over the past century; Article divides this Era into four historical periods, examines and analyzes Chinese political ethics within the concept of "international organization diplomacy". The article hope to answers the question of “how the relationship between the behavioral evolution and the policy of the leadership power in China, which has always been directly influenced by the ruling ideology, has an impact on the presence and role of Chinese in international environments, including international organizations?” This article also briefly examines China's interests through its relationship with international organizations and Count some of the benefits of this relationship for the Chinese Communist Party.

To understand the behavior of governments, one of the most important areas of study is the views and opinions that are expressed by them in international organizations. China is Iran's most important trading partner, and examining its votes in the UN Security Council could make prediction of its performance much more accurate in the face of developments in the region. In other words, by paying close attention to China's voting behavior in the UN Security Council, we can achieve a precise understanding about the gradual evolution of China's votes in the Security Council. This has made it especially important to know the country's voting framework in the Security Council. In this article, we try to examine the evolution of China's votes in the Security Council from a constructivist point of view and a pragmatic approach. The question we are trying to answer in this article is what will happen to China's foreign policy in light of the changes happened within China's voting behavior in framework of the Security Council? The hypothesis we introduce in response to this question is that the evolution of China's vote in the Security Council indicates an increase in influence and the creation of a network of Chinese allies in regional organizations. China is seeking to use its veto power to enhance its role as an emerging economic, security and political power on different international occasions and to achieve some sort of political-economic deterrent against US destructive-sanctions measures and, on the other hand, promote Chinese norms through the use of international expansion organizations in the international arena.

Given China's urgent need for sustainable energy to reduce energy vulnerabilities and maximize its growing power in international politics and relations, the rising country has sought to build energy cooperation in recent years. A special political-economic relationship with the countries present in the GCC and the Eurasian Strategic Region will emerge. In this regard, the authors of the present study with a descriptive-analytical-comparative approach and based on library documents, have sought to answer the strategic question that the People's Republic of China in the light of deepening relations by analyzing and examining the growing presence of Beijing in these areas. What are its political and economic goals with the member states of the Persian Gulf Council and the actors in the Eurasian strategic sphere? The hypothesis raised by the above question is that Beijing, taking into account the economic weight of the countries present in the mentioned regions and given their special position in the belt-road initiative, has tried to pursue its new geopolitical strategies through effort. To ensure sustainable security of access to energy, maintain target markets based on the Belt-Road Initiative, as well as increase cooperation with regional partners, extend to the Persian Gulf and Eurasia.

Regime building is considered as one of China's tools to expand and deepen cooperation with the other parties, the use of which has been continuously increasing. The main question of the present study is why has China moved towards regime-building with Persian Gulf Cooperation Council? The present article argues in an explanatory Method that China has turned to regime-building with Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in order to gain and maximize its economic interests. The findings show that China began talks to establish a China- Persian Gulf Cooperation Council Free Trade Area to boost economic trade ($ 25 billion in 2004). This increased trade volume to more than $ 90 billion in 2008 and to more than $ 180 billion in 2019. China is currently expanding its free trade area to other areas, especially trade in services and investments. The theoretical framework and the method of data collection of the present article are the theory of international interest-based regimes and documentary, respectively.

Despite all the opposition of members international organizations against China, over the past decade, Beijing has reached significant influence in international and regional organizations and is trying to improve It’s status in these organizations by shaping norms, rules and regulations. One of the most important regional organizations that has received a lot of attention from the Chinese authorities is ASEAN. An organization that can provide many benefits to Beijing. China's interests are now more intertwined with the ASEAN region than ever before; Relations between China and the union has become one of the most complex in the Asia-Pacific region and have recently seen positive changes in both the economic and political dimensions. Of course, the China’s interests of this deepening relationship have outweighed those of the ASEAN members, and this has become one of the concerns of Union officials in recent years. This article tries to examine the type of Chinese action in this regional organization based on the theory of asymmetric economic dependence. According to the article, China seeks to maintain and Promote ASEAN's asymmetric dependence on itself through the promotion of political and economic cooperation, and to prevent regional and international competitors from gaining strength in this organization.

By adopting an open door policy in the 1970s, China gradually became an emerging power in the international arena, increasing its economic power, and now is a major player in the political arena, challenging the interests of the great powers. The process of economic reform in China changed dramatically in the mid-1980s (before joining the World Trade Organization) and this development can be well seen in the trade performance of thiseconomy. China is now a major player in international trade, both in terms of imports and exports. Moving from the older methods of import planning to issuing import licenses and then using customs tariffs, the market mechanism and price have a special place as the most important determining factors in China's future relations with the rest of the world. In view of the above, the author of the present work seeks to answer the strategic question: what are the hidden goals of the People's Republic of China through its accession to the World Trade Organization? The hypothesis that can be posed against this question is that Meanwhile, China's accession to the World Trade Organization as part of China's economic reform process has enabled them to consolidate the benefits of the trade reform process pursued by the Chinese government in the two decades before accession and to lay the groundwork for future reforms.