فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و چهارم شماره 2 (پیاپی 92، تابستان 1400)

Securitizing theory is one of the most widely used and controversial contemporary security theories that has been used by researchers to explain various security phenomena and actions. This article seeks to apply and implement this theory in the field of neglected and less used internal security by examining a case study of securitizing social networks in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the library-documentary research method. While acknowledging that securitizing internal issues are more difficult than external issues, the author believes that issues such as the multiplicity of decision-making actors and ambiguity in the competence of security-building actors, poor framing and proper depiction of threats, neglection or lack of attention to social context, audience diversity, inadequate policy-making and Desecuritizing are the most important factors that has challenged securitizing of social networks in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The extent and quality of people's piety is of strategic importance in Iranian society, which has a traditional cultural-religious context and Islamic rule, and its changes can have security consequences. This article attempts to map the trend of Iranian piety during the years 2009 to 2019 and show the changes that have taken place and examine the security consequences of these changes. Findings show that in the above period, there has been no significant change in the level of religiosity of the Iranian people, but the type of piety has shifted from Shari'a-centered to emotional religion. Although this kind of change does not seem dangerous, an increase in emotional piety may have security consequences, including a change in public reference groups, an increase in religious sects, a decrease in the influence of the clergy, and a weakening of the religious authority and authority of the Vali-Faqih.

Turkey's increasing tendency to pursue strategies independent of Western its allies and its proximity to Eastern powers in securing and defensive goals, as well as its active regional involvement in challenging the security preferences of Western powers, has raised the question of whether Turkey's international orientations are on a pivotal path or just looking to rebuild its foreign policy in a new international and regional environment? This paper, by conceptualizing Turkey's strategic attitudes and providing a framed picture of the new developments in the country's strategic culture and national security doctrine, rethinks the prevailing ideas of a pivotal turn in Turkey's macro-foreign policy orientation. In this regard, the new strategic culture of Turkey, with emphasis on the principle of self-help and national capabilities, increasingly seeks to ensure strategic independence from Western allies in the context of the international system transition. This does not necessarily mean leaving the transatlantic alliance, but rather balancing relations with the West and the East in order to consolidate Turkey's strategic position as an independent international actor.

Increasing the water consumption, climate change, and water resource management inefficiencies in many South-west Asian countries have been associated with threats to water security, intensified rivalry, and hydro-political tensions. In the meantime, a large part of the Zionist regime's territory is justified in connection with access to the water resources of the peripheral countries. However, over the past decade and a half, the change in the compatible management model to water scarcity and advanced water desalination technology has put the regime in a position to be a pioneer in the field and supply of new water technology in addition to meeting its water needs. Meanwhile, other actors are facing serious problems in this regard. According to the authors, the regional foreign policy of the Zionist regime, based on the hydro-political considerations, has led to redefining the role of this regime in the region; in a way that a new territory can be defined based on it.

Although the post-9/11 US arms control policy in the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations has been viewed from different perspectives, a comparison gap based on a common theoretical framework is evident. The main question of this article is what are the commonalities and differences between the US arms control policy during the Bush, Obama and Trump eras? According to the article hypothesis, the direction of arms control in US foreign policy during the Bush era was in the form of "post-arms control policy", during the Obama administration, within the framework of "off-shore balance arms control policy" and during the Trump era, "no-arms control policy". The post-arms control policy leads to measures beyond the usual arms control measures; off-shore balance arms control policy have led to an emphasis on international regimes; And t no-arms control policy led to measures to reduce costs. In this article, the theory of balanced behavior of "Randall Schuler" as one of the thinkers of the theory of neoclassical realism is used and the research method is comparative.

The hegemonic state usually creates and maintains a hegemonic order in order to achieve its interests. Thus, preventing major and central wars has become the most important goal of the hegemonic state in the hegemonic order. In contrast to the hegemonic state, there are emerging powers that, according to the variables of satisfaction, role, ideology and power developments and the role they experience, try to create regional order in accordance with their principles and rules and are considered as a challenge to the hegemonic order. The question of this paper is what principles are the main strategies of emerging powers in the hegemonic order? In response to this question, and considering the assumption of power dynamics and the effect of role and satisfaction variables on the design of actors strategies in the international system, it is hypothesized that the proximity of emerging powers to hegemony leads to role changes in actors behaviors and this leads to contrastive behavioral patterns and seizing the power gap will lead to the aggressive and challenging policies of the dissatisfied emerging actor. This study tries to explain the strategies of emerging powers in the hegemonic order by focusing on the theories of power cycle, hegemonic stability and power transition.