نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال هشتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 30، زمستان 1400)

The purpose of the present study is to comparatively analyze the political tendencies of the representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Iranian Parliament) with regard to the institutional approach in the 6th and 7th terms. The main question is: what are the commonalities and differences between the political tendencies of the Iranian parliament representatives in the 6th and 7th terms in the framework of political development? The research relies on the hypothesis that the variables of the principlist discourse are based on political development following the progressive principle of Wilāyat-e Faqih and Iranian Constitution, the comprehensiveness of religion in the realm of politics and anti-hegemony, persistence on the basic principles, purposes, and goals of the Islamic Revolution, and continual realization of the ideas and ideals of Imām Khomeyni. The results showed that despite the difference between the representatives’ approach and function with respect to politics, within legislation and supervision duties, their political tendencies in the 6th and 7th terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly have been towards performance in political development and so it has prepared the ground for familiarity with Iran’s political elites.

purpose of the Research: The purpose of this research is to investigate the developments in the national identity of Iran from the time of the arrival of Islam in Iran to the Safavid era.Methodology of the Research: The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library.Question of the Research: What developments had taken place in national identity of Iran during the Islamic period of the country's history (from the time of the arrival of Islam in Iran to the Safavid era)?Findings of the Research: With the arrival of Islam in Iran, a new endeavor began with the organization of a new collective and national identity in various dimensions. After the arrival of Islam in Iran, the Islamic government or caliphate replaced the Iranian government and for three centuries the religion of Islam replaced the religion of Zarathust. Iranshahr or the monarchy collapsed and Iran was deprived of political and national unity for about 9 centuries, but despite this, national identity of Iran continued intellectually and culturally with the continuation of other elements of identity and Iran as a concept survived and Iranians were distinguished from the Arabs in terms of nationality, language, and shared historical memories and specific customs. After several centuries of political disintegration in Iran, the Safavids were able to restore unity in Iran and revive and strengthen national identity of Iran by emphasizing the elements of Iranian culture and Shiite religion and their spread throughout the country.

The present article examines the components of Imam Khomeini's leadership and political behavior from the perspective of theorists of political psychology and political science. Political psychology and its approaches belong to broad fields such as the role of leadership and personality cult in political behaviors. The purpose of this article is to explain the nature, personality and political behavior of Imam Khomeini's leadership and the reason for his profound influence on social and cultural political developments. Findings of the research that resulted from examining the basic question based on the characteristics of Imam Khomeini's leadership and political behavior? The results of this study are obtained from a comparative study of the two theories of "Alfred Adler" and "Max Weber" with the characteristics of Imam Khomeini's leadership. A comparative comparison of Adler's theory shows that among the appropriate strategies of Imam Khomeini's political behavior, one can point to task orientation, justice, self-purification, avoiding hypocrisy, lifestyle, creativity, assertiveness and the like. Comparatively to Weber's theory, we conclude that the Imams, contrary to charismatic leaders and contrary to the above theory, considered the source of legitimacy in terms of the stabilizing role of the people, the divine and the personal, and were strongly opposed to discipleship and mass and passive attitude towards the people. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and causal research. Data collection in this study was done through the use of library resources and documentary analysis.

The political history of Iran after Islam is influenced by the Role-Playing of tribes and clans until the Pahlavi period. Efforts by ethnic groups to gain supremacy in Iran have created huge tensions and divisions between ethnicities. This was more evident before the Qajars came to power. The Qajars themselves came to power by defeating other ethnic groups and then tried to control them in various ways. Developments leading to constitutionalism showed that the ethnic groups used of the weakness of the central government and overthrew the government of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar by attacking the capital. Therefore, the question arises that what effect did the ethnic gap in the Qajar period have on the process of developments leading to constitutionalism? The research hypothesis is that Ethnic gaps have led different ethnic groups to use military force to shape the most important developments leading to constitutionalism and Finally, the constitutional revolution has been formed due to the dominance of ethnic groups opposed to the ruling regime. The findings show that some ethnicities had no mentality of constitutionalism and only because of the weakness of the central government, they have seen an opportunity to settle ethnic accounts. The aim of the present study is to show how ethnic gaps led to the removal of Mohammad Ali Shah from the monarchy and the re-establishment of constitutionalism. In this regard, a descriptive-analytical approach has been used to analyze the data the materials are also collected in a library method.

The purpose of the present study is to review the causes of the Seljuk kings’ need for religious and political legitimacy in the state structure and the policy of interaction between the Seljukids and Abbasids. In this regard and using a descriptive-analytic method, this question was answered: what policies and methods were undertaken by the Seljuk government to establish a powerful kingdom and acquire legitimacy from Abbasid caliphs? The results showed that the Turk Seljuks who reached power in Iran at early 5th century, like religious rulers, under the rubric of Islam ruled over Iran and made the highest use of the institution of Abbasid caliphate to justify their religious and political legitimacy and attempted to show their governance in front of people as justified, legitimate, and acceptable. This policy adopted by them had an impact on the state structure and gave direction to that.

The Islamic Awakening is a movement that seeks to bring Islam back into the realm of individual and social life of Muslims, as well as in opposition to the system of international domination that has exploited Muslim nations for years. These developments have had many effects and have affected the foreign policy of some countries that have political and economic relations with the Middle East, especially in the Persian Gulf region. This article examines China's role in the Persian Gulf with its security perspective on the region (after the Islamic Awakening). In order to conduct this research, the question was raised: What is China's approach in the Persian Gulf after the Islamic Awakening? had ? The findings of the study indicate that China's approach to the developments in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East has always been faced with a security perspective. China's geopolitical and economic interests in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf have shaped its behavior in the face of these developments. The most important dimension of China's geopolitical interests is preventing the hegemony of the regional order in the Persian Gulf, and the most important dimension of economic interests is ensuring energy security. Based on these interests, China has taken a neutral position in the crises in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen, has sided with the international community in the Libyan crisis, and has played a role in the Syrian crisis against the West and the Arab League.