Iranian Journal of Archaeological Studies
Volume:11 Issue: 1, Winter and Spring 2021

The site of Dinkha Tepe, situated in the central part of the Oshnaviyeh Plain, is one of the most interesting but still least studied sites in the Orumiyeh basin area. Dinkha Tepe, excavated stratigraphically in 1966 and 1968, bears evidence of a main phase of occupation ranging from the Middle Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age, and it is often linked to the better-known site of Hasanlu, suggesting that Dinkha Tepe was a centre belonging to its political sphere. The aims of the present paper are multiple. Firstly, we intend to provide evidence supporting the idea that the two sites should be instead considered as sort of independent “city-states”; secondly, we would like to propose a new interpretation on the relations among Dinkha Tepe and the Mesopotamian plains, and thirdly, we intend to suggest an unusual way of looking at the interactions of the site with the Urartian state.

Dez and Karun are two perennial rivers originating from the Zagros mountains in highland Iran, flowing into theriverine landscape of the Susiana Plains in southwestern Iran. They are crucial elements of the landscape and centralto the region’s archaeology, especially regarding agriculture and trade, at least since the late Neolithic. The oldestknown settlements of the Susiana date back to the seventh millennium BCE in the flood plains of these two rivers.This long and continuous interaction of rivers and human settlements is worth understanding. The current Dez-Karun-confluence is assumed to be very young, especially given the very straight channel of the joint rivers directlyafter their confluence – for about 20 kilometers (km) to the south – before it regains a meandering character.In this paper, I propose that their current confluence is recent and explore this proposition based on archaeologicalevidence, historical accounts, and newly generated geoarchaeological data, as well as OSL dating. Then, I discussthe implications of this environmental change, making a case for the hybrid nature of this change as an event withinthe framework of human-environment-interaction.

Tepe Jelo Asiab was excavated as part of the Talvar Dam salvage project in 2009. The main objectives of the present study included the classification and typology of the Iron III pottery from the site, and establishing whether there was a continuity or break between the Iron III cultures of the Central Zagros and other concurrent pottery horizons across Iran. The established pottery classification provided the required basis for a relative chronology. The results indicated that the analyzed sample, while displaying certain local and indigenous characteristics, was strongly inspired by the general Iron III tradition that characterized almost all the contemporaneous assemblages across Iran. Given the utilitarian nature of the considered pieces and the low percentage of storage vessels as well as the exposed architecture, Jelo Asiab gives the impression of a summer base camp that provided shelter for local nomads not only during the Iron III but also in the later periods.

Khorasan’s Iron Age differs significantly from the Iron Age elements found in western Iran. In terms of cultural aspects and life structures, this encompasses two distinct cultures known as Yaz and Dahistan in classic classifications. Such definitions, which Russian archaeologists introduced to archaeological literature, have been heavily criticized. This is because the 8th and 7th centuries BCE, 550-300 BCE, and 330-217 BCE, which corresponded with the Medes, Achaemenid, and Seleucid Empires, were overlooked. Accordingly, the primary goal of the research was to investigate the political positions of the aforementioned empires in the region during the Iron Age. However, data collected about the Achaemenid and Hellenistic eras, as well as documented sources, have frequently mentioned the Satraps of these two empires in northeast Iran. The majority of cultural material on this region has been introduced based on the first millennium BCE, but this study took a political sociology approach to present new suggestions in the chronology of Khorasan’s Iron Age. Having said that, social developments in Khorasan from the Late Bronze Age to the establishment of ruling dynasties have been overlooked. According to chronology, the pre-Median, Median, post-Median, Achaemenid, and Seleucid eras all fall within the Iron Age period, and it is suggested that they be included in the region’s political history

The Sefidrud valley in Rudbar is host to a wealth of ancient mounds, cemeteries and settlements of varying sizes.Survey programs between 2006‒2016 recorded and revisited 45 sites, most notable among them being Charpeh,a major site on the west bank of the Sefidrud. In the present study, the pottery sample from the site was classifiedas three distinct pottery types: red pottery (red-slipped), red and dark dichrome pottery (Charpeh Ware), and graypottery. In the sample considered here, the second type (Charpeh Ware) was represented by 10 specimens (out ofthe total of 23 such surface finds) from the site of Charpeh and 7 instances from the excavated assemblage fromSharef. These examples were compared with dichrome and monochrome materials excavated from the Iron Agecontexts of Rudbar, notably at Pilaghaleh of Marlik and Jamshidabad. The sample mainly consisted of polishedpieces, dominated by rim sherds. Technical characteristics of the dichrome Charpeh ware and its comparison to theassemblages from the surrounding areas suggested it to be a distinctive type whose publication would contributeto the Iron Age pottery chronology of Gilan in general. Thus, the ceramics were categorized into six classes beforeexamining their characteristics in terms of paste, temper, decoration, and form. Petrographic analyses on thedichrome pieces proved their manufacture from local soil sources. The dichromatic appearance of this ware waspresumably meant to serve as decoration, and the high frequency of the material at Charpeh suggested the site apotential manufacturing center for the ware.

Silhouette Pottery, formed due to the developments of the 12th century, was largely influenced by the slip-painted pottery of the second half of the 10th century and early 11th and also the technique of Sgraffito Pottery. Silhouette pottery motifs mostly include motifs of animal, plant, geometric, human, inscription and imitation of other works of art of the previous period. Some of these motifs were used as the main image on the body, while others were used only to fill the background. The scientific method used in this research is a descriptive-analytical method and data collection has been done through library research process. This survey is an attempt to answer the questions whether it is possible to identified , determine and introduce the range and vastness of the influences and effects of the dominant arts in the previous eras through examining the similarities and differences between the two arts of pottery (shade) and metalwork in the 10th -12th century and also to know if the political and economic power that ruled the society of this period had been able to be effective in creating new ways of embroidering and decorative techniques of these two arts. It is also going to determine what kind of motifs is introduced by the decoration created on the shadow pottery and to identify different kinds of the Shade pottery during the archeological studies and finally the main centers of its production. The purpose of the present survey is to conduct a research and study on the Silhouette pottery in terms of technique, patterns and to compare its patterns with the patterns of the metal works of the same period. Kashan, Rey, Gurgan (Jorjan), Neishabour and Syrjan can be named as the important centers for making Silhouette Pottery. It was also shown in the present survey that there are 8 different types of Silhouette Pottery including cup (beaker), stoup (flagon, ewer, pitcher, jar), bowl, vase, small crock(vat), plate, bottle and drinking cup. The results of the present research also showed that there is a relatively good variety, attractiveness and beauty among the themes of metalworking and pottery, plant and animal motifs. Yet, animal motifs are considered to be more sacred due to the arrival of the new people in the 10th to 12th centuries CE.

Northeastern Iran has been considered a connecting bridge and natural passageway for the entry of different tribes from the past to the present time, yet despite such importance, it has rarely been studied by archaeologists and researchers. Dargaz plain in northeastern Iran, due to its special geographical location and environmental conditions, as well as its proximity to major settlement centers of the Parthian period in South Turkmenistan, contains many remains and settlements of that period. In the surveys conducted in this region, 84 sites belonging to this period were identified and analyzed. As a result of these studies, it was discovered that the area has been among the most important and populated centers during the Parthian period. Moreover, based on the pottery evidence, it was revealed that the region has been a center of activity from the onset to the end of this period. The present research dealt with categorization and typology of the pottery based on the studies carried out on 425 pieces of pottery, and it was found that the Parthian pottery of this region is divided into two groups of simple and painted pottery; however, the painted pottery class is divided into several subclasses, such as engraved, added, grooved, marked, and painted. Red pottery has been the most common pottery of the region during the Parthian period. Common forms include crocks, pots, and skillets, small and big bowls, and long-neck and short-neck jars and cups. Comparative studies indicate that the most cultural interactions in the study region were related to cultural areas in neighboring regions such as the northeastern and eastern Iran and the western parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan so that almost 70% of the cultural relations of this region was with the above-mentioned areas and about 43.54% of these relations has been with South Turkmenistan and the sites of Marv, Nisa, Sarakhs oasis and Shar- tappeh Chapeshlou.

During the third Millennium BCE, grey wares were the most popular wares in the Indo-Iranian borderlands inwhich the Bampur Valley and the Sistan basin played a significant role. This research aims to compare grey waresof the above-mentioned regions in order to have a better understanding of possible cultural similarities in bothregions. Similarities between grey wares of the regions at the issue have been frequently explained in the light ofthe long-distance trade mechanism, and considered as a result of the (intentional or unintentional) exchange ofpottery techniques and design styles through commercial activities. Eighteen Grey ceramic sherds were sampledat Tepe Bampur and Shahr-i Sokhta, two key-sites, which are respectively located in the Bampur Valley and theSistan Basin. To compare the raw materials of the ceramic samples after their analyses, some clay samples were alsocollected from two specific natural clay deposits, located 10 km north and 45 km south of Shahr-i Sokhta, and fromthe bank and riverbed of the Bampur River. In addition, a clay sample was also collected from a clay deposit in thePirgel region, located 100 km north of Tepe Bampur and 300 km southwest of Shahr-i Sokhta. By means of XRFtechniques, it was attempted to compare different elements of the ceramic and soil samples. The results show thatthere are close similarities between the chemical elements of the grey wares collected at Shahr-i Sokhta and TepeBampur and soil samples from the Bampur Valley and the Pirgel region. Although these similarities are not seenwith soil samples of the Sistan Basin, the grey wares of these two sites were completely similar. Finally, it can bestated that the fine grey wares of the Sistan Basin were not locally manufactured but were probably imported fromthe Bampur Valley and other regions through long-distance trade during the third millennium BCE.

Human burials in cemeteries have mostly been observed since the beginning of the third millennium BCE in areas of Southeast Iran and South Uzbekistan.  The emergence of Urban Societies brought specific economic, social and cultural traits such as social classes, elites, craft specialization, long-distance trade, etc. Some of the latter traits can be traced in the archaeological evidence from cemeteries on the Iranian Plateau and the Oxus Civilization (also known as Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex, BMAC. Although the evidence discovered from the graves informs us about objective issues, it also offers valuable information about subjective issues and ritual practice.  The aim of this article is two-folded: firstly, to analyse comparatively the graves without skeletons found at two sites (i.e. Shahr-i-Sokhta and Djarkutan) in the above-mentioned areas and dated to the third millennium BCE; and secondly, to assess commons aspects in this kind of the graves at both sites. Many scholars have named this kind of the graves as “Cenotaph”, while in this article they are labelled as “Memorial Grave”.

Dasht-e Lut (western edge of the Lut desert) presented an urbanized desertic landscape in the early Bronze Age.Previous investigations on the large early Bronze Age site of Shahdad, fully justified its definition as an advancedearly urban center. In 2011, a reconnaissance archaeological survey was carried out along the western edge ofthe Lut Desert resulting in identification of 87 sites. During the survey, a large site (ca. 70 ha) was discovered atMokhtarabad. This paper is intended to introduce the site and to bring to light its importance for the communicationand trade network during Bronze Age in the Middle East.