نشریه تحقیقات تاریخ اجتماعی
سال یازدهم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1400)

Social harms of a part of the citizens especially in the city of Tehran, was one of the consequences of the First World War in Iran. Therefore, the municipality of Tehran helped the orphans to reduce social crises, a large number of displaced women were covered by the social security assistances. In order to strengthen the foundations of the family and to monitoring marriage, divorce, inheritance and ownership, the provisions of the Civil Registry Law were taken more seriously, and for those who refused to register, there were many penalties. Until the following years, when the registry office, health centers and boarding schools were removed from the municipality, this institution was responsible for the process of Socialization. Therefore, the main question of this study is that what was the role of the municipality in controlling the social harms during the years between 1921 to 1941 for the process of reducing social harms among the lower social classes? Based on the descriptive-analytical method, this study shows that the municipality of Tehran in this period, according to the policy of centralism and with its wide power, was largely able to control some social disasters. But as the authority of this institution was limited, the former crises more or less continued.

Following the rule of Muslim Arabs in Iran and some political, social and cultural developments resulting from this historical event, many uprisings of various natures took place in this land, which reached its peak in the second century AH. During these uprisings, which began almost with the Abbasid caliphate, it shook the foundations of Abbasid power for almost a century. Thus, this study seeks to answer the question of what social status the leaders of these uprising had in the Iranian society in the first centuries, who found great success in attracting followers and accompanying various members of society. However, many of these uprisings have been studied by historians from various political, religious, military, and economic perspectives; But the social standing of these leaders, who played a central role in the uprisings, has received little attention, or some have introduced them from the masses without a critical approach to what Islamic historians have written about the lineage and family of these leaders. While in this research, it has been tried to deal with the background of the leaders of these protests by using ancient historical sources and with a critical approach to the sources and in a descriptive and analytical manner. The findings of this research, based on a careful reading of historical texts, show that, contrary to popular belief, most of the leaders of these popular uprisings against Arab rule in Iran had aristocratic backgrounds and were often rooted in former Iranian families and agents.

In Reza Shah's era, Iran's economy experienced the first stage of transition from agricultural economics to industrial and capitalist economics. The establishment and expansion of industrial centers and factories, especially in the spinning and weaving sector, also overshadowed the traditional jobs of women, especially the work of women carpet weavers. The present article, without aiming at examining the process of industrialization during the Reza Shah period, examines the working conditions of women carpet weavers in public and private factories and workshops, and at the same time, the question of the effect of relations with international human rights organizations on regulations. Internationally and domestically responds. The results of the present article, by performing a descriptive-interpretive method and based on a review of available documents, show that female workers and children working in carpet weaving factories and workshops worked in the worst conditions and were exploited by employers; The government of Iran, in alliance with employers, despite accepting international labor contracts and regulations, in practice did not pay the slightest attention to the need to implement the provisions of these contracts, especially for women and children.

Utopia is a long-standing concept and a twin of human thought; Because man has often sought a very orderly and good life. Therefore, having a well-organized society has shone in the conscious and unconscious minds of most human beings. Consequently, these ideals and ideas have played an effective role in constructing concepts such as the concept of the city. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the dialectical relationship between the "concept of utopia" and the "concept of the Sassanid city". Therefore, this study seeks to answer the question that what effect did the concept of utopia and its physical manifestations have on the formation of the concept of city in the Sassanid period? To answer this question, the sociological model of knowledge and the descriptive-analytical method have been used and to collect information from library sources. The findings showed that the Sassanid city is one of the concepts of "physical structure of the city", "ruling order in society", "order in the social hierarchy" and "protection of the city against enemies", which is associated with the idea of ​​utopia. Impressed.

With the decline of Reza Shah’s throne in September 1941, the industrial working class—that had previously been formed in Iran—found an opportunity to express its guild demands. Meanwhile, political parties, especially the Tudeh Party, also tried to use the opportunity to propagate among the working class. In short time, they were able to get many privileges from industry owners and the government. At first, Taghi Fidakar tried to keep the union as a guild institution and away from political conflicts, but with his departure from Isfahan, the Tudeh Party used labor activities as a means to achieve political goals and eliminate its rivals, diverting the path of union struggles. This article examines the confrontation between workers and unions using a rational explanation method. Article findings show that the political and guild action of this class was based on a kind of class-consciousness and understanding, and was not merely a factor of unions and parties. On the other hand, the Tudeh Party emphasis on political issues caused the opposition parties to reduce the power of the labor unions by creating a parallel organization and derailing it. The result of this process was the forgetting of guild demands in the shadow of political activities, which caused the most damage to the workers of Isfahan.

From the Nasserite period to the mid-1930s, LalehZar Street was one of the main centers of modernism in Tehran. A significant number of theaters and cinemas, as well as cafes and offices of some of the press, were located in this street. The impotant matter is that our knowledge about many of these cases is limited and inaccurate. As an example, we can point to the serious weakness of the researches about LalehZar theaters. In an unpublished paper, we have explained the situation of LalehZar theaters from the time of the first performance in the upper floor of Faros Printing house in 1909 until the end of the reign of Reza Shah (1941). In this research, we seek to explain the situation of LalehZar theaters from 1941 to 1979.  The main question of this research is about factors which were effective in the ups and downs of LalehZar theaters in the period between 1941 and 1979. We have used the library research method for collecting information about Laleh-zar theaters. Our findings indicate that political, cultural and economic factors were influential in the situation of LalehZar theaters in this period. Following the expansion of social and political freedom after the fall of the government of Reza Shah, the desire to perform theater increased and various theater groups began to work. In this relatively free space, critical views on social or political issues were presented in the songs performed in the interlude. Theater Performances of Nushin group in Farhang and Ferdowsi theaters increased the quality level of other theaters. After the coup 1953 a number of theater artists were arrested because of affiliation with Tudeh Party or National Front. However, political change did not make serious influence on LalehZar theaters. Of course, increasing the popularity of Cinema in the 1950s caused the LalehZar theaters to face economic problems. So they started performing attraction in the theater from 1956. Meanwhile, as a result of the geographical development of Tehran, from the mid-1930s, wealthy people and middle-class members gradually turned to other entertainment centers instead of LalehZar theaters, and the lower classes became the main clients of these theaters. Finally, during the Islamic Revolution, there were serious changes in the situation of LalehZar theaters.

The spread of slums and informal settlements in Tehran in the mid-1960s, and the failure of slums demolition policies for reduction of slums have led the government to overcome this problem in other ways by building housing for slums in Tehran. The construction of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban in 1965 for slum dwellers in Tehran was the most significant action of the government in this regard. Between 1965 and 1969, the slum dwellers of the affluent areas of Tehran were transferred to this residential alley. However, in the early 1970s, most residents of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban left their new homes and returned to the slums. In other words, the plan had practically failed. Despite the urgent need for adequate shelter, the question of the present article is why the residents of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban left their homes? According to the above preliminaries, we try to first explain how the Kooy-e nohom-e aban were built and how slum dwellers were settled in Kooy-e nohom-e aban. Then the social and economic characteristics of the residents of the alley were evaluated and finally an attempt was made to show why the slum dwellers left the houses of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban. It should be noted that although this residential alley has been the subject of several sociological researches due to some social necessities, the historical background of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban has not been considered and the authors of this research have limited themselves to general references in this regard and its historical aspect has been neglected. Regarding the research methodology, it should be said that the lack of documents about the behavior and attitudes of Subaltern groups in the past is the most important obstacle to such research. Therefore, considering this issue, the reconstruction of the behavior and attitudes of the residents of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban in this article is based on a demographic approach to social history. Indeed, in social history, when available resources and documents do not allow us to reconstruct the behavior and attitudes Subaltern groups individually, the alternative strategy is to reconstruct their behavior as a group through the use of demographic data that has been collected quantitively. Furthermore, by examining the reports and documents left by the residents of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban, it is shown that the main reason for the failure of the project was due to the economic situation of the residents. During the accommodation of the residents in the Kooy-e nohom-e aban, the only job opportunity provided for the residents of the Alley was the small number of shops that the Housing Organization was supposed to hand over to some shopkeepers in Hasirabad, whose shops had been destroyed along with the slum dwellers' slums. Therefore, there was no place to work in this alley, and people had to look for work in institutions in the city. Most of the slum dwellers were engaged in various seasonal jobs before settling in the Kooy-e nohom-e aban. But their seasonal occupations, which were the main source of livelihood for themselves and their families, were closely linked to their place of residence, and the existence of these job opportunities depended on their living next to the affluent. On the one hand, this possibility had disappeared for them in their new place of residence due to the long distance between the Kooy-e nohom-e aban and those areas. On the other hand, their new life had faced new costs such as water, electricity, housing installments, municipal tolls, and transportation costs, which were beyond their means. The number of unemployed women, who mostly served in the surrounding houses, also increased mainly due to the distance to the northern parts of the city (distance between 12 and 16 km). In addition to the problems and difficulties such as protecting children in the absence of the mother, paying eight to twelve rials for transportation and spending about three hours in this case limited the possibility of women moving to the north of the city, and this had a severe impact on the family economy. Therefore, most of the first residents of the Kooy-e nohom-e aban, who were among the poorest people in the community, sold their houses at a higher price, spent it on more urgent needs, and returned to the slums to continue their lives based on the initiatives they found to earn a living in city.

In the contemporary view, washing culture is considered as one of the components of the evaluation of ancient cultures, and therefore, research on it is a necessity. The root of the subject, which is, the need to clear up, is the first step in examining the subject matter. Next, study on when and where the structures associated with bathing, originated, and how they emerged elsewhere, provides the basis for research. Then, the reason of founding thermae and the culture of washing with warm water are studied and their archaeological evidences are evaluated. In this paper, although according to an important principle in Zoroastrianism, the possibility of establishing and disseminating the culture of bathing in Greco-Roman thermae was not possible during the domination of this religion, but it does not mean that Iranians were far from the culture of cleanliness and for this, some, interesting documents are available. This can be proven even in special places for swimming. In fact, the varieties of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures in the Iranian plateau, does not allowed to judge one-sided in this field. The current article shows that in Zoroastrian culture, in addition to a method of creating a reasonable space to facilitate bathing with cold water, a type of thermae emerged that was different from the Roman ones. It was also stated that the culture of washing can be traced in the mythology of ancient Iran, and this can be the basis for some field-comparative studies in Archaeomythology.

The mismanagement of government administrative organizations in the Qajar Iran and its consequences is not an unspoken issue. The record of the central government to eliminate this shortcoming indicates its failure. On the other hand, this inefficiency had a heavy cost for the people. Thus, getting rid of the consequences was a difficulty that the people themselves had to overcome. Social reaction to the mismanagement in the Qajar period is the problem that the present work studies in the case of public opposition of the people of Astarâbâd, a province on the south eastern coast of the Caspian Sea, to the will of the central government. Explain that, shortly after the abolition of the tobacco concession (January 1892/Jumadi al-Awal 1309 AH), in August 1892/Muharram 1310 AH Astarâbâd became the scene of mass opposition against drinking alcohol and then for several months against the governor of the province. So far, the occurrence of these happenings and their results have been neglected. The present article is a historical-analytical research, based on archival materials, that deals with the role of mismanagement (independent variable) in the occurrence of the popular reaction in Astarâbâd (dependent variable). Examining the social forces active in this political action and also its result are other goals of the present work. The findings of the study show that mass opposition in Astarâbad first caused by extreme frustration and deprivation of the people and then led to their rational-calculation of opposition to the government-appointed ruler to improve the situation in the province. Although the insurgency initiated by the lower classes in order to combat the cholera outbreak, the secondary stage - the rejection of the governor - welcomed by other urban classes and local military commanders who demanded improvement in the multifaceted consequences of chronic mismanagement in the province. Despite the religious motive as well as the participation of different classes and groups, the resistance in Astarâbâd had all the characteristics of a "rebellion" and lacked participation and the support of a political organization. In spite of success in opposing the will of the central government, the rebellion due to its nature- lack of both public political awareness and political organization- failed to bring about desirable and lasting result for the province and the people of Astarâbâd as well.

Much research has been done on motherhood, patriarchy, feminism, and filial piety, but so far no in-depth and serious research has been done on the position of the brother in ancient Iran and its remnants in the culture of the Kurdish and Lor people. The purpose of this study is to bring examples of the position of the brother in ancient Iran and his preference for children and husband (example of the story of the woman of Intafern and Hanboui), The reflection of this story in the popular culture and literature of the Kurdish people and Lor; Also, the study of the remnants of ancient brotherhood in the culture of the Kurdish and Lor people. There are many proverbs, poems, songs and beliefs about the place of the brother in the culture of the Kurdish and Lor people, all of which express the remnants of the brotherhood of the ancient world in the culture of these people. This research seeks to find answers to the following questions: This research seeks to find answers to the following questions: Why is a brother still preferable to a husband and wife in popular culture and literature? Why is the niece considered to be of uncle descent? And why in the epic literature are the people of Lor avenging the murder of their nieces and nephews? In this research, an attempt has been made to address this issue in a descriptive-analytical manner, citing library sources and oral interviews.

The present article aims to study the words that can be applied to the socio-political concept of "people" in the Old Persian version of the Achaemenid royal inscriptions and according to the evidence equivalent to all or part of this concept. The present study with the approach of conceptual history based on linguistic analysis of Old Persian inscriptions has tried to examine these words and their relation to the concept of "people", as socio-political activists, from the perspective of social and political functions and meanings. Hence, it seeks an answer to the question of what is the equivalent or conveying words of the concept of people in the Old Persian version of these inscriptions and how can their function and social meaning be explained in the political context? In response, it is assumed that each of the stems martiya-, zana-, bandaka- and kāra- reflect a part of the socio-political concept of "people" in Old Persian inscriptions. The findings of the study examined the function and meaning of each of the four stems mentioned as "man", "soldier", "subjects and followers of the government", "inhabitants of the land", and "people/army" in Old Persian inscriptions.

Timur invasion resulted in land degradation, destruction of irrigation networks, increase in barren lands, and a relative stagnation in the agricultural situation. But after the establishment of the government, the Timurid made reforms to compensate for the destruction and to take measures for the welfare of the farmers. In the present study, an attempt has been made to use the descriptive-analytical method and relying on the data available in the sources, to consider the extent to which the situation of farmers has been affected by the political developments of the Timurid rulers? The findings show that the Timurid sultans took steps in support of the peasants, who have always been the most important suppliers of food and government revenue, but these measures were either insufficient or conditions for the rulers was going on that caused them to ignore all the rules and orders issued in order to stay in power for a few more mornings. In fact, the administration of justice for farmers was only relevant when the situation was calm and the rulers were in power, but as soon as the situation in the country became critical, the Timurid rulers forgot all the issued laws and orders and collected taxes Unorthodox practices and hardships made life difficult for farmers. One of the consequences of these heavy and incalculable taxes was the revolt, flight and migration of farmers, and the decline of agriculture in this period is evidence of the poor situation of farmers.