This article examines the internal logic and relation of elements of the existing regime in Essay of the Laws based on their duties and powers, using the theory of "Spragens" and taking into account the crises in the society. The result of the work is to draw a model of the political regime in which we see a combination of the main elements of the two regimes, monarchy and democracy, and its most important goals are to ensure the prosperity and security of the members of the society. In this regime, the institution of the monarchy is at the top, but powerful council institutions such as the Night Council, Law Guards, and the City Council composed of experienced elites are foreseen, which, although they adjust the role of the king in the administration of affairs, in many cases, their duties overlap and paradoxical. In general, the arrangement of the institutions of this regime is such that due to the lack of internal coherence, it deprives the citizens of the possibility of dynamism and fundamental innovation or prosperity, and perpetuates a static and rigid state in various aspects of life. Also, this regime can be seen as a model between two ideal and real societies, which, although it is far from the model of the Republic, its real actualization is also very unlikely.

Theoretically, there are three approaches to international environmental regimes: an approach of benefitsic liberal Institutionalism, the knowledge-based constructivism, and the power of realism. This article tries to analyze the implications of the liberal-mindedness non-ideological axis approach for international environmental regimes. The findings of this paper show: In an approach to the benefits of liberal Institutional, international environmental regimes are built on the basis of two variables of international institutions and environmental interests. Institutional co-operation is directed at covering global governance and environmental commonalities based on rational choice. This approach also shows that the cooperation of international bodies for the management of global environmental issues, which have strong rational justifications, not only regulates the international anarchy, but also reduces environmental costs. This article uses the methodology of thematic knowledge.

The concept of political capital is a relatively new term in politics. This concept is the intersection of various disciplines so that political stability, social solidarity, and national integration in the vast, complex, and impersonal modern political systems depend on it more than ever. However, despite its fundamental and practical importance, not much independent research has been conducted about it yet in the Persian language. From the perspective of the institutional approach, political capital is a socio-political construct, a contingent, contextual and time-laden phenomenon, whose decline has profound consequences for the political order and stability of societies. With this point in mind, the present article concentrates on this main question, what are the consequences and implications of the decline of political capital? The hypothesis is that the reduction of political capital has multifaceted consequences such as increasing the cost of political transactions, reducing civil participation, increasing corruption, increasing the government's interference, the prevalence of political anomie and disobedience, and the erosion of political legitimacy and its important implication is the necessity of serious changes in various fields of the polity. Inspired by the political institutionalism approach and with a descriptive-analytical method in the combined theoretical framework of Bourdieu and others, this article examines the conceptual dimensions of political capital and the consequences and implications of its decline.

This paper has two major purposes analyzing the franchise formation in Iran (1906-1911) and its expansionin the 20th century. All theories of the franchise are categorized into six groups (enlightenment, party competition, the middle class will, redistribution, social order, and political economy). Based on these theories, it has been shown that in the early period of the formation of elections in Iran, the trade union elections (1285) had a redistributive function and in contrast to the one-degree elections of 1290, had an enlightening function.With attention to mentioned theories, we found that the franchise adjustment in Iran in the 20th century does not have a fixed and linear trend and this level of access has varied over time. Moreover, it has been shown that both after and before the Islamic revolution, franchise expansion in Iran is compatible with both social order and redistribution theories.

The main topic of this research is to find the roots of human sovereignty in the age of the Renaissance, especially in the thoughts of Marsilio Ficino and Pico dellaMirandola who are two great neo-Platonist thinkers of this period. The two basic concepts that have been discussed here to illustrate the transfer of the right of sovereignty from God to Men are the concepts of Judgment and Hierarchy. From these two concepts, the judgment has derived from Christian theology and the hierarchy has derived from the neo-Platonic philosophy. We choose the concept of hierarchy because these two thinkers, in their main works, firstly describe the hierarchy of existence, and then, in opposition to the former neo-Platonists, they liberate man from that and give him the freedom to move in ascending or descending directions in that hierarchy. Therefore, the discussion of the concept of hierarchy and its theoretical development from Plotinus to Dionysius is necessary, to be able to speak of the liberation of Man from the hierarchy of existence in the thought of Ficino and Miranda. But it is necessary to address the theological concept of judgment because Mirandola states that a person can reach the position of one of the heavenly angels, namely "Tron", which is a symbol of divine judgment. For this reason, we searched for the meaning of the term Judgment, in the Old Testament and the New Testament, and showed that this term has three meaningsin the Scriptures: legislation, judgment in the legal sense, and sovereignty, and therefore We showed that Mirandola's notion of Judgment, accords with the third meaning of the term Judgment in Scriptures which is sovereignty. Accordingly, one can say that Man's possessing of the right to judge, in the thought of Ficino and Mirandola, which arises from his liberation from the hierarchy of existence and his access to the position of Throne means that he will have the right of Sovereignty. Therefore, the right to judge which now means sovereignty and previously belongs to God and through his grace, to Christ and God's saints, is thus transmitted to Man.

The period of Sassanid rule in terms of religious history is the most important period of ancient Iran. In this period, the government takes on a completely religious aspect, and a great change takes place that affects the religion and national customs of the Iranians. Zoroastrian thought is very important in this period, so understanding Zoroastrian political thought is not possible without establishing a connection between the historical and political conditions of the formation and continuation of the Sassanid Empire and the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political theology. Thus, first, the context and then the dominant linguistic paradigm in this historical period must be examined. The purpose of this article is to examine Zoroaster and his religion in the context of historical and political developments. The basis of this article is: to provide an analysis of the historical and political conditions of Iran in the Sassanid era, to study the political theology of Zarathustra as the dominant linguistic paradigm of that period, and to understand the political thought of the Prophet Zarathustra through this. The method of the article is John Pocock’s historiography in which history has a central place and by studying the historical and political context, on the one hand, and the dominant linguistic paradigms, on the other hand, a common context is formed between the historian or the reader and writer in which the mentioned text can be understood. Of course, efforts will be made to analyze these elements through the analysis of the content of the important book of Zoroaster, the Avesta. The findings of this article show that the religion of Zoroaster was the founder and shaper of the civilization of ancient Iran and the components of the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political thought, called for the establishment of a strong and glorious prince in Iran. The article concludes that considering the historical-political conditions of Iran at the beginning of the Sassanid dynasty, and based on the linguistic paradigm of Zoroastrian political thought, ArdeshirBabakan used Zoroastrian religion to gain power and unite Iranians and also the country.

Republican freedom is one of the prominent concepts in the field of freedom that, despite its long-standing historical roots, has been of particular interest to freedom researchers for the past two decades. This article, based on a text-based interpretive approach, first discusses what the concept of republican freedom is. He then uses the anthropological foundations of freedom outlined by AllamehTabatabai in his commentary on Al-Mizan and critically evaluates this concept based on the verses of the Holy Qur'an. According to this concept, the mere possibility of arbitrary intervention by an external factor, regardless of whether there is interference in action or not, means the destruction of the freedom of members of society and their enslavement. Based on the Quranic principles of freedom, there are fundamental contradictions in two levels of this concept. At the basic level, this concept is based on the understanding of independence from man, which is in conflict with the truth of the divine caliphate of man and its accessories. At the process level, this concept intends to design tools for the objective realization of freedom and protection based on the individual will of members of society. Whereas the nature of relying on the individual will of man is in fact relying on the nature of the human employer; A trait that itself is the cause of tyranny and disruption of the enjoyment of their freedoms by members of society. It is only by relying on the element of "right" that human society can be freed from tyranny and human beings can enjoy freedom.

The ruling political system duringthe Pahlavi II era, with its cultural policies, development-oriented economic views, and the creation of an atmosphere of repression and suffocation, turned its desirable discourse of Iranian identity, originated in Westernism, modernism, and archaism, into the only dominant discourse and marginalized other parallel discourses and voices. In such an atmosphere, the idea of "return to self" was raised and favored in the intellectual circle. In almost all research, this idea has been investigated as an answer to the question of identity and the desire to seek the identity of Iranian society. This article focuses its central question on the relationship between "return to self" and the Intimidation of the ruling political system and believes that according to Jalal Al-e-Ahmad, this idea has been an attempt to create an alternative to the dominant ideological and identity discourse of the political system. The hypothesis of the present article considers "return to self" as an attempt to de-Intimidationthe dominant discourse of the ruling political system; however, within this idea, the seed of Intimidationand turning into a single voice and marginalizing alternatives and other voices have also been cultivated.

Explaining the dual paradox of anti-authoritarianism-authoritarianism in the opinion and practice of the MojahedinKhalq Organization is the main issue of this article. In this sense, the authors have focused on the mental concern of how individuals might challenge the patriarchal authority of the political order by renouncing worldly attachments and interests, and at the same time, to prove their unquestioning obedience and submission, they renounced the authority and majesty of the "organization" from its “emancipation" that they had achieved in exchange for the loss of everything. In response, this article is based on the claim that Patriarchy culture, by providing the conditions for the formation of political mentality and psychological temperament of members, is reflected in the ideology of the organization and formed its political practice and is trapped in the paradoxical dichotomy of anti-Authoritarianism- Authoritarianism. Hence, the method chosen by the authors to provide evidence and confirmation of the claim is not based on positivist monotheistic logic but based on the necessity of a multidimensional view of political and social phenomena. This article, with emphasis on the importance of interdisciplinary studies, tries to analyze through the lens of political psychoanalysis and using the views of Eric Fromm and Carl Gustav Jung, first the historical, political, cultural, ideological, and economic contexts that act as effective drivers in the formation of social temperament and psychological structure of the Mojahedin Organization and then the roots of the militant-surrender paradox of desire under the influence of centuries of patriarchal discourse over Iranian society in the psyche and actions of the MojahedinKhalq Organization are shown.

This paper examines the notion of power in the discourse of Neo-jihadism. The meaning of power in discourses is shaped by the new meanings they provide. Meanings raised in the new discourse of jihadism come out of the depths of tradition. Their meanings, concepts, and actions can be found in religious literature. This discourse has a religious ideology and global agents and also it has a far history of gaining power and governance. Based on this experience and mentality the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, with its short history, has been waiting for power to come back to the world arena. The meaning of power in this movement is different from power in the experienced and well-known terrorist movements. The concept of power is contrasted with its modern meaning. On the other hand, modern politics should be considered the main enemy of this movement. Modern politics has embraced the whole world. therefore, Neo-jihadism movement needs comprehensive power to fight it. This power is also displayed with a different faceSuicide bombers represent this power all over the world with their death one can say they bring the power to global politics.

Explaining the relationship between the state and society is one of the most important theoretical challenges in political science. In a theoretical conflict and as a result of numerous criticisms of one-dimensional explanations of society or the state, the key question is to what extent univariate and one-sided theories have the power to explain and answer why and how the relationship between state and society is and what are their shortcomings. This article first seeks to critique the analytical tradition in the literature on government-society relations and then explain the components of historical institutionalism as one of the approaches in political science. According to this view, the government and society have mutually influenced each other in their historical process. This view sees the power of the state and the manifestation of this power in connection with the power of the society and considers the existing institutional arrangements in society and their transformation as the product of the connection of power structures in a historical process. The main components of this theory are “important milestones, path dependence, timing and sequence, events, design, and institutional transformation”. The analytical framework presented in this paper is based on systematic attention to how institutional arrangements are established and consolidated in the context of time, and therefore rather than having the characteristics of specific theories, it is introduced as a general theoretical framework. It may have more power to analyze the role of institutions in the social sciences in general and political science in particular.

The Radical Right in European countries has achieved the definition of a mythical self by relying on an imaginary geography and in this process has benefited from those who have sacrificed for their ideals. The research question concerns how radical right groups have affected the creation of imaginary-mythicalgeography in Europe. The hypothesis which is tested based on Mitchell’s pictorial turn theory is that radical right groups have affected Europe through picture and image recognition to create imaginary-mythical geography and have resulted in the strengthening of their social identity. The results of the study show that the radical right has recognized those who have sacrificed by holding musical and athletic events and in this way have strengthened social identity in imaginary-mythical geography.