فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 43 (زمستان 1401)

Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.

Based on the messages of the Ashura movement, the Arbaeen procession has formed elements of Islamic awakening such as unity and solidarity among the marchers, and the continuation of this ceremony has strengthened Islamic awakening and countered its harms. This research is using a quantitative method and conducting a survey and collecting information through a questionnaire. Its statistical population includes Arbaeen pilgrims in 2018 and the sample size is 424 pilgrims from Iran and other countries who were randomly selected. The theoretical part of the article has been prepared based on the revolutionary leader's point of view about the Islamic awakening and the Arbaeen procession, and the main hypothesis is the relationship between the dimensions of the walk and the formation of Islamic awakening factors. While confirming this hypothesis, the findings also explain factors to strengthen Islamic awareness in dealing with the conspiracies of enemies; which include: the globalization of Islam, the convergence and unity of Muslims (Shia and Sunni), solving differences with the slogan "Hub Al-Hussein Yajamana", showing the high power of the Muslim mobilization, the preference of being a Muslim over nationality, insight and hostility, the enemy's fear of Shia unity, No difference in nationality, language and race.

Kurdish counter-revolutionary movements are one of the causes of insecurity in the west of the country, which fled to northern Iraq after the imposed war. On the other hand, the fall of Saddam in 2003 changed the political structure of Iraq. In the context of Iraq's ethnic and religious heterogeneity, a consensus-based democracy was chosen to govern Iraq instead of Western-majority democracies. This model of government had effects and consequences that sometimes led to a change in the position and power of the Iraqi Kurds. Given the unified identity and identical historical and cultural background of the Kurds, this change will have implications for the Kurds of other countries, including the Iranian Kurdish counter-revolutionary parties. The purpose of this study was to provide an appropriate explanation regarding the impact of this trend on counter-revolutionary currents. This research is of applied type and qualitative method with descriptive and analytical approach. The theoretical framework of Lechfart's model of association democracy is based on 20 Kurdish counter-revolutionary experts and the Iraqi Kurdistan region to ensure the reliability of the research. It is suggested to increase the cost of hosting Iranian Kurdish anti-revolutionary parties for the Kurdistan region of Iraq.

As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.

The present article examines the role of the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relations with the United States between 1979 and 2021. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect did the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran have on relations with the United States of America between 1979 and 2021? The temporary answer to the question of the present article, which has been done by descriptive-analytical method, is: The revolutionary-Islamic identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its increasingly anti-unilateralist and domineering role, has been in opposition to the interests of the United States of America, which has led to the termination of relations between the two countries between 1979 and 2021. Iran-US relations include the institutionalized structure of conflict in the relations between two political units, which on the one hand is rooted in the nature and type of their political system, and on the other hand is rooted in internal, regional and international causes and factors. In fact, what prevented the establishment of normal relations between the parties is not at the level of discourse or behavior, but due to the confrontational identity of Iran and the United States.

In comparison to relations with other European major powers, Iran-Germany relations have been less fragile, more largely stable and expanding. Analysts consider historical, economic, and geopolitical reasons for this feature. One of the difficulties in studying German foreign policy is that the country has abandoned its geopolitical rivalries because of the tough lessons of world war II and has devoted most of its potential to the international economy. Moreover, Germany cannot regulate its foreign policy beyond the framework of its transatlantic commitments, as well as principles and norms of the common European foreign policy. For this reason, the analysis of German foreign policy should focus more on the relatively covert behavior of the country than usual positions by the officials. The study of Iran-Germany relations stands within this framework. This paper aims to focus on the question that why Germany has done its best to emphasize an interactive model in the face of the US confrontation with Iran, and to make the EU to follow this behavior? This paper provides a historical-analytical framework for a deeper understanding of German policy toward Iran, as well as focusing on Germany's approach toward Iran after the JCPOA, especially when Trump lost the presidency.