نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 7 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran was the result of the presence of different social groups and classes with the guidance and support of marketers and clergy in different cities. During the Islamic movement, the interaction and cooperation of marketers, unions and scholars with religious and cultural motivations played a prominent role in the political mobilization of the people and managing of revolutionary struggles. The historical city of Qazvin with famous marketers and scholars was one of these centers. Explaining the performance of these two social layers in the continuance and victory of the revolution and the mobilization and class consciousness of the people in the years 1978-79 is the main subject of the present article. This article, with a historical approach and relying on published documents, memoirs, newspapers and interviews, tries to answer the question “what was the role and performance of Qazvin clerics and marketers in the Islamic revolution campaigns?” The findings show that the two traditional market and spiritual strata were active in different stages of the Islamic movement from the beginning to February 1979 in opposition to the non-religious policies of the Pahlavi regime and played a prominent role in mobilizing the people, managing the struggles and the victory of the Islamic revolution in this city.

Part of the history of Shabankareh and Zirah regions of Dashtestan city in Bushehr province is affected by peasant revolts. In these parts, the relationship between the peasants and the big landowners did not change much until the end of the Pahlavi period, and the sources of wealth and power were at the disposal of the big landowners. The continuation of this trend led to the conflict between the interests of peasants and landowners and finally to peasant rebellions. The question of the current research is what were the causes and contexts of these riots and their results? The structure of land ownership in these areas, the payment of exorbitant ownership interests by the peasants and the weakening of the influence of the authorities since the end of the Qajar period - who were the main owners - are among the reasons for the rebellions in the first stage. In the later stages, the disintegration of the country with the beginning of the Second World War, the increase in the power and wealth of Khawanin, as well as the effectiveness of Dr. Mossadegh's cabinet have been effective in the occurrence of these rebellions. The findings show that the riots weakened the power of the big landowners and laid the groundwork for subsequent widespread uprisings and protests, including the Islamic Revolution in these areas. However, these rebellions led to failure due to the lack of regular organization and the failure of the structure and political groups to accompany these uprisings and its suppression by the agents of the Pahlavi government. But it provided the grounds for opposition to the Pahlavi government and the tendency of the people of this region to fight against Pahlavi and join the Islamic revolution. This research has investigated the issue with a descriptive-analytical approach using new documents.

For a long time, Iran's geopolitical position has attracted the attention of policy makers of many countries. In the meantime, one of the countries that seeks political and cultural relations with Iran has been the United States. The change in the general policies of the United States after the First World War made this country come out of political isolation and present itself as a superpower in the world arena. In the second half of the 19th century, America decided to expand its cultural relations with the world, including the Middle East. At this point, cultural relations between America and Iran were completely separated from political relations; But during the second Pahlavi period, American cultural goals were completely in line with the foreign policy principles of this country. The establishment of cultural institutions in Iran, including the Iranian-American Association, was to achieve these goals. Therefore, the effort and direct cultural activities of America through the association to find a way to approach the youth can be considered as one of the areas of control of the education and training system; Therefore, the current research is trying to explain this issue using a historical method based on archival documents and reports and using a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the research show that the American cultural programs in the form of the Iranian-American Association were completely consistent with the American foreign policy in Iran to influence the educational and academic levels of the country.

By recognizing the Israel regime occupying Jerusalem (de facto and unofficially), the Pahlavi government exposed itself to severe criticism from internal opposition forces and some countries in the region, so it hid all kinds of economic, military and political relations with the Israeli regime from the eyes of the people. The important issue in this research is the reflection of the opinions of the representatives of the National Council (Parliament), the reasons and motivations for the confidentiality of bilateral relations. The main question is, “what were the positions of the representatives of the 22nd National Council towards Israel?” Using qualitative studies and document review, the current research tries to test the hypothesis that the causes of the convergence of the Pahlavi government and the occupying regime of Quds, which were non-Arab regimes supporting American interests in the region, were compensating for the lack of a popular base, acquiring Israeli weapons, and confronting the Arabs. Radicalism for the Pahlavi government and exit from political and economic isolation was legal recognition for the Zionist regime. Referring to the negotiations of the 23rd session of the National Council, many representatives did not consider any other role for the New Iran Party to protect its interests and policies in order to strengthen the Pahlavi government, except by condemning Israel as a usurper country. One of the reasons for secrecy can be mentioned to prevent any possible reaction from domestic opponents and extremist Arab countries.

Inspecting the formation and process of the clergy movement in the 1960s shows that this movement influenced a wide range of different social strata and classes and even managed to recruit them. So that the movement not only interacted with some organizations, but also became the foundation for the establishment of some militant organizations. It is noteworthy that which factors played a role in the formation of this interaction? Which organizations took the lead in this interaction?
Examining the course of the spiritual movement's struggles in this decade shows that the following three formations played a pioneering role in this interaction: 1. Iran's Freedom Movement: This academic formation was established in the 1950s and with the long-term arrest and detention of its leaders from 1965, 2. Islamic Coalition Delegations: This market organization was established in 1964 in the midst of confrontation between authority and militant clergy with the state, and after its role in the assassination of Prime Minister Hasan Ali Mansour was revealed, its leaders were arrested and the activities of the organization were stopped. 3. Islamic Nations Party: This organization, with the membership of a group of young religious innovators, tried to secretly fight against the regime. A few months after its establishment in 1966, its leaders were identified and arrested by SAVAK and the party collapsed.
This article by using a descriptive-analytical approach and in a library shows method that the spirituality movement with regard to its religious and native nature as well as its anti-authoritarian and especially anti-colonial approaches quickly attracted the attention of other political-religious groups and organizations and succeeded in interacting with some of them, spread the teachings of the movement among different strata and get help from them.

Iran's Islamic Revolution can be considered one of the most comprehensive mass movements in the world history; Because most of the different classes, from clerics to bazaars, students, teachers and the lower classes of the society, participated in it and played an undeniable role in the achievement of the Islamic Revolution. In each of the cities of Iran, according to the social and cultural conditions, different strata of people were active in the struggle against the Pahlavi regime. The city of Arak was no exception to this rule and the people side by side with the clerics and students played an important role in the glorious victory of the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the main question that which of the people in the geography of Arak Province were involved in the glorious victory of the Islamic Revolution and what role did they play? The findings of the research indicate that each of the different strata of the people of Arak, including clergymen, students, educators, marketers, workers, women, religious minorities, etc., took part in the revolutionary struggles according to their position and talents and achieved results.

With the passage of time, the sources of historiography have become wide and diverse, and this change has come about with new findings and, more importantly, a change of attitude towards historiography and its sources. Iran's Islamic revolution, which took place with political and social support in February 1979, has reproduced sources of written and oral history more than any historical event in contemporary Iran. A part of it is documents, photos, letters and conversations of various people who participated in this event or were witnesses and narrators of this event. Wall writings are one of the important sources for analyzing and understanding the nature of struggles and events of the Islamic Revolution, which instead of producing analytical writings, include short writings and images, and examining them as a reflection of the ideology, political and social attitude of popular struggles, party activism, and explaining the nature of the revolutionary Islam is the issue of the present article. In fact, the study of wall writings as an oral and complementary source of historiography of the contemporary period, which is compiled based on the descriptive and analytical method, is the subject and method of this article. Also, this article seeks to answer the question that how did the graffiti that spread in all the cities of Iran during the period leading to the revolution, convey the message of the revolution from different social and political groups? In addition, the emphasis of the article is on graffiti and their themes, which are accessible and viewable based on the images in the collection of photographs collected by photographers and archival sources and documents through their electronic pages.

The issue of revolutionism is one of the most controversial issues in the history of Iran's Islamic Revolution, which some intellectuals such as Mehdi Bazargan have looked at with a critical appreciation. This research, which is written in an analytical and descriptive way, tries to answer the question, what was the view of Engineer Bazargan on the category of revolution and the issue of revolutionism, and what criticisms are there on it? The findings of the research show that the merchant's view of the struggles was not a revolutionary view. He considered the Islamic revolution to be a reform whose scope only includes Iran and not beyond. In explaining the concept of Islamic revolution, he takes two positive and negative approaches, and this contradiction is visible throughout his views. The merchant's revolutionary behavior was also very different from others, as he believed in the king's monarchy and not his rule. In the criticism of his views and behavior, in addition to the contradictions in speech and behavior, it is possible to point out such things as: the merchant's lack of correct understanding of the revolutionary conditions, his behavioral characteristics, etc.

During the victory of the Islamic Revolution, people and groups with different affiliations participated. The goals and participation methods of these groups were different and showed their different goals. Identifying the manner of this participation and its goals is very important in drawing the perspective of the Islamic Revolution and the general goals of its occurrence. Students are among the groups whose role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution has been less discussed. This part of society, whose activity is defined as "youth movement", had a prominent presence especially in the final stage of the Islamic movement and was considered a leader in many actions. In this article, while focusing on the youth movement, the activities of this group in one of the leading cities in the Islamic Revolution (Isfahan) and in the years close to the victory of the Islamic Revolution have been discussed. The main question of the article is, "What special contribution did Isfahan students play in the struggle process of the Islamic Revolution?" In the current research, based on the preliminary interviews, relevant keywords were extracted and the authenticity of the content was verified by examining the written documents. In this article, the main hypothesis considered is the active participation of students in the process of exposed and street struggles of the movement.

The positions and multilateral interaction of the Revolutionary Council as the first implementing body of the cultural revolution in universities between 1979 and 1981 with other groups that play a role in the cultural revolution, which include the leader, academics, the government and the people, have a direct effect on the institutionalization of this cultural revolution. The main goal of this research is to investigate the role of the Revolutionary Council in the non-fulfillment of the goals of the Cultural Revolution in the time frame of its responsibility, using the descriptive-analytical method and the review of existing documents, sources and press. The findings of the research show that the failure of the Revolutionary Council to achieve the success desired by Imam Khomeini in implementing the cultural revolution in universities can be summed up in a few effects: firstly, the excessive busyness of this institution in the early days of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, secondly, its vague and incomplete perception and as a result, the non-comprehensive planning of the members of that institution from the category of cultural revolution, and thirdly, the lack of cooperation and obedience of the first government of the Islamic Revolution and the presidents of the universities in the work process. Meanwhile, only the leadership of Imam Khomeini and the people's support with the actions of this institution have been done correctly. Another strategic point is that the leader of the revolution's attention to the coexistence of institution-building and the institutionalization of the cultural revolution category in universities made it not to be bound by a specific institution and, due to the existing shortcomings, handed over its responsibility to the new institution of the Cultural Revolution Headquarters.

According to the policies of the Pahlavi court, women played an effective role in the social, political, cultural and economic fields. Ashraf Pahlavi was one of the influencers of the court who played an effective role in some economic and social activities of this era. The main questions of the current research are what were the motivations and role of Ashraf Pahlavi in the economic and social activities of the second Pahlavi period? The current research is based on the fact that Ashraf Pahlavi, due to the forced isolation of his childhood and the extroversion of her adulthood, had strong motivations to achieve economic, political and social goals, and in order to show her power and gain social image, she tried to gain material benefits through these activities. The present article was compiled with the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical approach, based on the use of library resources and archival documents available in the National Library of Iran and Islamic Revolution Document Center. The result of this research confirms Ashraf's efforts in the output of her ambitious motives in compensating for the shortcomings of his childhood.

In the early 1960s and after April 1963, clerics were called to the military service according to the government's directive. Scholars and elders such as Imam Khomeini expressed their opposition to this issue and refused to be sent to military service. But in the end, army trucks would arrest any cleric who was fit for military service in terms of body and age and take them to the barracks. Many times, the clerics protested about being sent to the military service in the presence of Imam Khomeini, but after this issue, the scholars took this as a good omen and it was decided to communicate more with the military personnel and make the soldiers aware of the Islamic movement. The situation of clerics was not suitable at the beginning of their deployment, and as a result, there were protests that gradually improved their service situation. Among the reasons for sending clerics to the military was the government's greater control over the clerics, which provided the ground for soldiers to become familiar with thinking. In this research, using the available information, we have analyzed and investigated the issue of clerical conscription and explained its actions for the Pahlavi government. The question of this research is what was the state of military service and the rules of clerical service in the Pahlavi period, and what was the action of the clergy in dealing with the enlistment of clerics?