نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 9 (بهار و تابستان 1402)

The sixteen-year period of Reza Shah's reign over Iran, 1320-1304, included numerous cultural measures, which were generally based on abandoning old traditions and turning to the manifestations of Western civilization. The discovery of the hijab was one of Reza Shah's most basic measures to westernize the appearance of the country, which he did in line with his modernism measures. The policy of removing the hijab was implemented in different regions of the country, including Larestan city, without considering specific cultural, social, and ethnic characteristics, and it left important political and social consequences. This research tries to answer the question that what were the plans of the Pahlavi government to implement the policy of removing the hijab and how did the people of Larestan react to this policy? The hypothesis of the research is based on the fact that different social strata such as clerics, government employees and women opposed the above policy and for this reason the government was not very successful in advancing its desired program in Larestan. The purpose of this research is to investigate the background, reaction and consequences of the discovery of hijab in Larestan. The present research method is descriptive-analytical and using archival and library documents and sources. The findings of the research show that the policy of removing the hijab in Larestan failed due to a context with traditional and religious thoughts.

The Islamic revolution was one of the important political events in Iranian society, which took place on 22 Bahman 1357 AH with the participation of the majority of the society. This important and fundamental movement was continuous, continuous and based on the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) in order to be able to establish Islamic values with a conscious choice. Markets as an institution and public places had various functions in historical developments. In fact, the markets were able to play an important role in the activities and especially the revolutionary battles due to the centrality of the city's economic pole. In addition, guilds and marketers provided a suitable platform for the continuation of their struggles by establishing economic relations and connecting with the people. In fact, their helpful role was established in connection with the people, and this factor caused the people to play a role in these struggles along with the guilds and marketers.

Seyyed Hossein Alam Al-Hadi was one of the influential figures of the Khuzestan Monotheistic Organization, who was actively present in the most important operations of this organization. The question that is raised is that how and under what conditions was Seyyed Hossein Alam-ul-Hadi attracted to political activities before the victory of the Islamic revolution and during the Islamic movement? Why, among the groups and organizations active in the field of struggle against the Pahlavi regime, did the Mohedin organization attract and support the Islamic movement under the leadership of Imam Khomeini? This article tries to evaluate the behavior of Seyyed Hossein Alam-Al-Hadi in this matter by using oral memories, documents and researches and relying on the descriptive-analytical approach. The article finally comes to the conclusion that the birth and growth in a religious family, the support and devotion of the family members towards Imam Khomeini, the influence of Islamic teachings and meeting with militant personalities in the positions of Seyyed Hossein Alam-al-Hadi And supporting the Islamic movement led by Imam Khomeini has been influential.

The intellectual paradigm of the second Pahlavi government was to spread and promote a non-religious lifestyle. The second Pahlavi government sought to change the religious identity and expand the western culture by using all the available capacities and tools, especially by using the press and newspapers such as the daily information and future. This research investigates the promotion of western and non-Islamic lifestyle based on the newspapers of the second Pahlavi period. In this research, a historical research method based on qualitative method and content analysis and using first-hand and library sources has been done. The findings of the research indicate that in the second Pahlavi period, the tendency and desire for western life intensified. The second Pahlavi government consciously and purposefully sought to change people's thinking and lifestyle and tried to promote non-religious lifestyle. Also, the findings of the research show that the second Pahlavi period was the era of the peak of Western thinking in the society, so that all the tools and elements that were under the control and administration of the government promoted the non-religious lifestyle in a coordinated and integrated manner. With the expansion and deepening of the non-religious approach in people's lives, clerics and scholars and religious groups openly opposed and protested the government's plans. Therefore, the issues and events that happened in the course of modernity in the Iranian society affected the lifestyle of the people and pushed them towards a westernized life.

The city of Shahrekord, the capital of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province, is one of the regions that participated in the fight against the Pahlavi regime along with other regions of the country.The current research aims to focus on the spread of Islamic and revolutionary beliefs and beliefs in the city of Shahrekord and the events leading to the victory of the Islamic Revolution in this city. In this regard, after describing the administrative and social developments of the city in the 1940s and 1950s, using the library method and numerous interviews, the course of events and events of the revolution in 1357 and the role of various strata in the revolutionary developments in this city have been investigated. .Based on the findings of this research, the existence of religious activists in Shahrekord, such as Rahman Staki, and the travel of a number of committed clerics from Qom and other places to this region and their enlightening speeches made the people of Shahrekord familiar with the general flow of the revolution. Inside the city, the cultural activities of the Imamiya school, and the cultural activities of active religious people, the activities of the Red Moharram monotheistic group, were effective in educating and training the knowledgeable forces and creating a revolutionary atmosphere in Shahrekord. In expressing the objections and protests of the people of Shahrekord city in 1357

Khark Island hosted exiles from the Tudeh Party of Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It was the most cohesive political organization in the country. Most of these exiles had never lived on an island in the Persian Gulf. Thus, their life on the island faced challenges. This research seeks to measure the social life of Tudeh Party exiles within an island environment between 1327 and 1337 A.H. To explain. This article is a descriptive-analytical method based on library resources, archival documents, publications, and data based on oral history.The results of this study show that the life of the exiles affiliated with the Tudeh Party on Khark Island at that time was a mixture of all the geographical deprivations of the island and the disciplinary and security restrictions of deportation. But they were able to overcome their problems by taking advantage of the diversity of their professional skills, staffing, and division of responsibilities - based on their ideology - and interacting with the small Kharkiv indigenous community. Their religion was able to alleviate some of the living problems in an island exile and make the island's environment more conducive to survival. Fear, however, was the most pervasive component of this social group's life in an island exile.

Hijab in the contemporary history of Iran has acquired complex dimensions with the introduction of western culture and ideas and the negative interference of governments. Certainly, any investigation and solution thinking about it requires a fundamental investigation of the form of public confrontation with the removal and discovery of the hijab, and of course, a study of the policies of the governments regarding that issue. The city of Qom, as a religious city with a concentration of clergy in it, can be considered as a suitable case study in this field. Regarding the research method, it should be said that in this research, with a descriptive-analytical method, during a library research and with the benefit of archival documents and documents available in them, the subject will be examined and of course analyzed, and besides that, the citation and persuasive aspect of the work will be added by using the memories of contemporary knowledgeable people of the event (oral history).The results and findings of the research can be expressed as follows: The policies and methods of Reza Shah's government in the field of implementation of the Hijab Removal Law in Qom can be divided into two dimensions, propaganda and implementation. Advertising dimensions; It was usually followed in the form of hijab unveiling ceremonies and celebrations, which mostly had a commanding and theatrical procedure, and its performance aspect, which gradually became more colorful, serious and violent, compared to the first aspect.

Ali Amini entered different fields of politics during his life. Due to his political position, he was noticed by America and because of this, he became the prime minister with the support of America. He took important actions during his chancellorship. Land reform, which was a program from Kennedy, the president of the United States, was entrusted to him, and this caused him to have more troubles with the Shah. Because the king wanted to make these reforms for his own benefit. So, when Amini was trying to implement reforms, Mohammadreza Pahlavi was trying to finish his land reforms in his name during his travel to America. As a result, the continuation of reforms fell into the hands of the Shah and Amini was dismissed. The purpose of this article is to analyze the political conflicts between Mohammad Reza Shah and Ali Amini. The question of the current research is why Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was afraid of the American support for Amini and tried to prevent land reforms in the name of Amini? The findings of the research show that the Shah was afraid of the great power of Amini and fear of losing the monarchy and tried to preserve his power. The method of gathering resources in this research is the use of documents and library resources.

The roots of Masonic organizations in Iran can be found in the early Qajar period. The structure and nature of these organizations are tied to the historical developments of political philosophy and governance. Freemasonry lodges started in Iran after September 1941 and the August 1953 coup. Masonic organizations, as hidden and shadow powers, have had various affiliations and actions. The second Pahlavi period is the era of real development of Masonic organization in Iran. Freemasonry in this 37- year period has hidden and contradictory dimensions and angles that have been neglected throughout history. The purpose of writing this article is to review, observe and explain the history of Freemasonry in Iran during the second Pahlavi era. The researcher tries to answer the ambiguities of the research with a descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of historical studies and relying on archival and library documents. The findings are that the Freemasonry organization achieved an independent identity structure during the three decades of Pahlavi II's life and appeared publicly as one of the components of power. These organizations had many functions in court relations and conflicts both at the domestic level and as dependent elements of extra-local and global powers. During this period, the sphere of influence of the freemasonry lodges expanded to a national extent and the affiliated centers became inactive and the paternities of power targeted and organized intra-organizational relations.

Since the First World War, almost every war can be described with the term "total war" because the war is not limited to the battlefield and involves all the military, political, economic, social, cultural and demographic capacities of a country. The eight-year war between Iran and Iraq was considered a "total war" especially for the Iranian side. Astan Quds Razavi was one of the deep-rooted religious-social-economic institutions in the country, which played a role in the eight-year imposed war. The main problem in this article is to examine the different angles and dimensions of the organizational role-playing of this institution during the eight years of the imposed war through documents. Based on this, the present article seeks to answer its main problem by relying on a descriptive-annotative approach and by relying on archival documents and unpublished oral historical interviews. Based on documentary data, the role of Astan Quds Razavi in the war imposed a model consisting of five main categories: "war support", "propaganda and organization and deployment of troops", "war-effected emigrants’ affairs and reconstruction", "formation of front office and war" and finally, "sacrifice" which in turn consists of nine sub-categories.

With the issuance of the United Nations resolution in 1948 regarding the partition of Palestine, the formation of the state of Israel became official and some countries recognized it. In Iran, this issue was opposed by the religious community. The representatives of the National Assembly initially opposed the formation of the Israeli state in their speeches in accordance with the will of the people. After the coup d'état on 19 August 1953, with the strengthening of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's authority and his friendly relations with America, the government's policy towards Israel took a turn and found a friendly but hidden direction. The representatives of the 15-24 periods of the National Assembly on various occasions followed the relations between Iran and Israel and commented on the relations and events related to Israel according to the government's policy. The present article tries to answer the question of how the representatives of the National Assembly reacted to the formation of the Israeli state, the Arab-Israeli wars, and the relations between Iran and Israel, using the detailed discussions of the National Assembly and library sources and analytical-descriptive methods. The findings of the research indicate that the members of the parliament were influenced by the dominant discourse in the political atmosphere of Iran, and the harsh and radical positions of the members of the parliament of the 15th term (at the beginning of the formation of the Israeli state) gradually subsided and were in line with the positions of the Iranian government and the Shah to criticize Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories after the 1967 war according to the general positions of the United Nations.

In the Islamic movement led by Ayatollah Khomeini, Hamadan clerics played a significant role from the very beginning of the movement (1963) until his arrestment and detention and the migration of scholars to Tehran and the exile of Imam Khomeini from Iran and his entry into Iraq by creating a communication corridor between the revolutionaries and Ayatollah Khomeini. Because of these activities, the clerics of Hamedan were arrested and imprisoned during the process of the Islamic Revolution and were exiled to remote parts of the country on the eve of the victory of the revolution. The issue of this article is to investigate the causes of exile, the extent of the impact of the political-social activities of the exiled clerics of Hamedan against the regime and the outcome of their work. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical, which was done by using archival-library sources and oral history. The hypothesis of the article is that there is a significant relationship between the climate, beliefs, activities of exiles, the degree of influence and social acceptability in their native habitat and their forced residence. The findings of the research show that the activities and political, social and religious beliefs of revolutionary clerics combined with popular acceptance are related to the choice of their places of exile.