نشریه جستارهای تاریخی
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

Shahnameh is one of the most important epic poems in the world. The story of Siavash and his passage through the fire is one of the most attarctive stories in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. Despite extensive research on the Shahnameh, little research has been conducted on its historical geography in the contemporary period. The purpose of this research is to identify the event location of Siavash passage through the fire from the perspective of historical geography. The main question of the research is where is the location of Siavash’s passage through the fire according to written documents? The research methodology in this research is descriptive-analytical with a comparative approach and the information collection method is the literature review. The statistical population of the research has been selected based on written sources using qualitative content analysis method from written historical, geographical, and literary sources. During the field visit, the correct geography has been selected, analyzed, and investigated among the introduced locations in order to measure its accuracy in terms of written sources. Finally, by comparing this particular location with ancient historical sources, its accuracy and precision was tested to introduce the location of Siavash's passage through the fire as accurately as possible based on written and complementary sources. The results of the research have provided an accurate geography of Siavash’s passage through the fire based on written sources that are in complete consistency with historical, geographical, literary, and archaeological sources.

This theologically-oriented study, entitled Ibn al-Furak debates with the Karamiyya in Ghazni (early fifth century AH), seeks to examine the reasons for those theological disputes that emerged and the similarities and differences between Ibn al-Furak's scholarly views and those of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni and Ibn al-Haytham.In the first half of the third century AH, the Madhhab of Karamiya was developed by Muhammad ibn Karam.In the early fourth century, Abu al-Hasan al-Ash'ari established a new theological school of thought whose distinguishing feature was the defence of the beliefs of the Sunnis and the Companions of Hadith. Ultimately, Ibn al-Furak sacrificed his life in a vigorous scholastic battle to defend Ash'arite theology against those of other sects, notably the Karamiyya.The findings of this study indicate that although Ibn al-Furak and Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni agreed on the notion of seeing God, they disagreed on whether this vision was in a particular manner.Furthermore, Karamiya's attribution of the concept of the Prophetic mission's cessation to Ibn al-Furak was nothing more than a calumny.Examining the ideological debates and differences between Ibn al-Furak and Ibn al-Haytham indicates The two scholars had great differences over other matters, such as the abode of God on his throne, the persistence of acquired attributes, the anthropomorphic attributes of God, the being creator or non-creator of the self-dependent characteristics of God, the similarity or contrast between the Creator and the creature, and whether the Qur'an is the direct word of God or His revelation.

The law on the uniformity of clothing and the subsequent standardization of the clothing of government employees, especially women, was one of the preconditions for the passage of the law on the discovery of the hijab and greatly influenced its process. These two laws are one of the main actions of the government in order to modernize Iranian society, especially women, and change the Qajar culture to Western culture. The study of the measures taken in Gilan, as an important state in the development of contemporary Iranian history, is one of the main objectives of this study, which is a historical and qualitative study method to research and study more than 250 pages of archival documents and library resources. O paid. The key question of the present study is this point; What was the attitude of the Gilanis towards the law on the discovery of hijab during the reign of Reza Shah? According to the studies, the main factor in the rapid adoption of these laws in Gilan is the influence of Western thought, culture and civilization in this region and the familiarity of the people with it. One of the most important consequences of the discovery of the hijab and the unification of the cover of different ethnic groups in Iran is that this action destroys the nature of Iran and its ethnic diversity and endangers the existence of people in different parts of Iran.

In these few decades, and especially The recent two decades, the debate over the date of arrival of Aryan populations on the Iranian plateau has been one of the topics in the world of historical and archaeological studies in Iran. There are two diferent historical-archaeological views in this regard, one of which is more common, the arrival of the Aryans is associated with the Iron Age and the late second millennium BC. Another theory traces the history of the presence of these peoples on the plateau to pre-Iron Age. Ghirshman, Cameron, Dyson and Young's articles form the basis for field examining the interpretations made in the first view and the third volume of Encyclopaedia of Kashan, analyzing the arguments of the second view in this article. The leading article, while examining and criticizing the arguments of the first theory, analyzes the critical reasons of the second view based on the Encyclopaedia of Kashan and the documents presented in it and analyzes each of these components. This, on the one hand, using the study methods available in the archaeomythology approach and, on the other hand, establishing a comparative-analytical study between the data cited in both theories and the data in the written sources of the Mesopotamians that have been overlooked by both sides, and then by stating the strengths and weaknesses of both views, introduces a third theory with a mediating view between the two perspectives.

After the occupation of Iran in World War II, Lorestan was located in one of the main corridors of the railway and the routes of Shoseh north to Jeno, the location of Souq Al-Jishi (adjacent to Kermanshah, Iraq, Khuzestan, and the north of the country) and the presence of clans with capacity Dissatisfaction with the central government was noticed by the occupiers. The presence of foreign military forces in Lorestan quickly caused disturbances and unfortunate consequences from the economic and social points of view.In this review, we will discuss why and how the allied military forces entered the Lorestan region and also study the consequences of their presence from an economic and social point of view. The results of the research show that after the defeat of the Lorestan mixed brigade (subordinate to the 6th division of Khuzestan) and the occupation of Khuzestan, the allied forces entered the region from the south of Lorestan without resistance. The presence and operations of these forces gradually caused insecurity, lack of food, famine, inflation, and disruption in education in some areas of the region. These issues had long-term effects on the lives of cities and villages. 

 How Iranians were influenced by the Ottoman constitution has always been one of the challenging topics. Some authors have denied this issue and others have spoken about the influence of the Ottoman constitution on Iran's constitutionalism as if the Ottomans were the creators of Iran's constitution. The main problem of the author in this research is to know the nature and dimensions of Iranian influence on the Ottoman constitution. The findings of the research show that Iranian intellectuals interacted with the Western world, India, as well as the constitutionalism of Russia and Japan, along with the Ottoman Empire, and they were familiar with the constitution and the concept of the modern state. Even before the Ottoman constitution, they realized the necessity of reforms in their governance system; Therefore, Iran's constitution was an endogenous and original matter and it cannot be considered as an imitation or subject of Ottoman rule.The only exception was that the Ottoman constitutionalism happened earlier than Iran due to the neighborhood and the influence of the West, and the number of Iranians residing in the Ottoman Empire who were affected by it was more than the Iranians of other countries. Iranian intellectuals are also trying to adapt constitutional laws to religion; They needed Ottoman experience. These three issues, discussed in this research , caused Iran's constitution to be formally influenced by the Ottoman Empire

The Tudeh Party was founded on October 1, 1941. The party's widespread activities among social groups forced the government to take control. Exile was one of the government's tools to control members and supporters of the Tudeh Party. The purpose of this study is to identify social groups, places of exile and the effect of using the punishment of deportation on the performance of these people. This descriptive-analytical study, with the help of main documents and sources, seeks to answer the question of whether the use of exile punishment to punish the masses in the second Pahlavi period was effective and was able to prevent them from working in favor of the Tudeh Party in exile and after. Freedom from exile? The findings show that Tudeh exiles reacted to deportation events such as elections in the country. Organizing life based on organization, study and translation, correspondence education, organized strike, and attracting other social groups show that Tudeh exiles are a political act. They continued. The deportation of these individuals led to the expansion of Tudeh Party activities throughout the country, especially in exile camps. The deportation of workers and the lower classes of the TudehParty promoted their status after the end of the deportation. The government tried to stop them from engaging in political activity by earning a living, but the continued political activity of these exiles, both in exile and after their release in their hometowns, shows that the punishment of deportation has no effect on changing their approach.

The theory of "Uneven and Combined Development" was first proposed by Leon Trotsky to explain the particular form of capitalist growth and the experience of modernity in Russia and, consequently, the unique shape of social change and revolution in Tsarist Russia. One of the significant results of Trotsky for the idea of uneven and combined development is that "backward" countries can achieve some of the achievements of advanced countries without taking the initial path, a factor that Trotsky calls the "backwardness privilege." The present study attempts to explain and analyze the conceptual foundations of this theory, to read the political thought of Mirza Malkam Khan, one of the significant intellectual figures of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, from the perspective of the theory of uneven and combined development. Hence, the present study specifically seeks to answer the question, "How can uneven and combined development principle in Mirza Malkam khan's thought be traced?" In this regard, I will argue that he, in his critical confrontation with the backwardness of Iran during the Qajar period and in his views on eliminating backwardness and establishing a constitutional system, always emphasizes the coexistence of societies and leaps in development which are essential elements of the theory of UCD. Furthermore, this study, relying on the analytical-explanatory method, attempts to analyze this thinker's intellectual and political processes through the above theory to explain why Malkam Khan indirectly supports Iran's "backwardness privilege" as an exceptional opportunity for a revolution.

In the years after World War II, the attempt to formulate the country's development plan was considered serious again, and the result was the implementation of Iran's first development plan in 1327. In order to implement the goals of this program, the most important of which was to increase production, government officials noticed the factories in Mazandaran. Due to the events of the years after September 20, the riots that took place in those years, factories such as the royal weaving factory or the Chalous silk weaving factory became unprofitable factories. The actions of the officials of the program organization to eliminate this shortcoming were met with a reaction from the workers of these factories, who were going through difficult years. This workers' resistance eventually led to a bloody confrontation in the royal city. Although the opening fire on the workers can not be ignored, efforts were made after this bloody event to raise the living standards of the workers, although unsuccessful. This article deals with the extent of this resistance and the efforts of both sides of the story during this period

The aim of the present article is inquire into the epistemological presuppositions of the discourse of Adamiyat and Kasravi about the Function of the Utopia of Revolutionary Social Democracy during the period of the First Parliament on the basis of the analytical-interpretational perspective of “the Dialectic of Ideology and Utopia” in order that get at the answer of the main question which were Adamiyat and Kasravi able to guard their historiography about the Constitutional Movement against “the Ideologic Contradiction” and “the Utopian Contradiction”; if yes, How and on what ground did they do that? The research findings show that Adamiyat knows the Constitutional Movement an event has been realized and ended. The political-social conflicts due to the Utopia of Revolutionary Social Democracy changed the Constitutional Movement, but Adamiyat on the basis of the Bureaucratic and Constitutional Rationalism uses the Ideology of Political Democracy to hide this change. This “Concealment” means the Constitutional Movement is suffer with “the Ideologic Contradiction” in Adamiyat’s historiography. Kasravi believes the Persian Constitutional is the fruit of in season, but an “unripe” fruit. the Utopia of Revolutionary Social Democracy did not have a relation to the concrete position of Iran and Iranian. This separateness lets the Utopia in order to escape encounter the concrete problems of social existence in a society that has-been. This the “unreality” means the Persian Constitutional was not the unripe fruit, but was the fruit of out of season. Thus, the Constitutional Movement is suffer with “the Utopian Contradiction” in Kasravi’s historiography.

The Marxist narrative of Iranian history around the 1960s and 1970s was strongly influenced by the rise of the Marxist historical school in the Soviet Union, which narrated the history of Iran within Marxist theoretical-conceptual frameworks. Ehsan Tabari, not as a historian, but as one of the most important theorists of the Tudeh Party, tried to read the history of ancient Iran in accordance with the party views and in line with its political goals. This type of re-reading has several important features: first, he formulated the periods of ancient Iranian history on the basis of Marxist intellectual-conceptual logic and in accordance with Marx's proposed formations. Second, in proportion to the characteristics of the Iranian social system, he considered the characteristics of the social formations of the history of this period to be not pure and homogeneous, but mixed. Third, explained and analyzed the Zoroastrian duality in the form of a prototype of the Marxist dialectic. Fourth had an empathetic and praiseworthy attitude combined with an internationalist approach to the social and cultural spheres of ancient Iranian society. The question of the present study is about the historical attitude of Ehsan Tabari towards the ancient history of Iran. Findings indicate that Ehsan Tabari narrated the history of ancient Iran in a special theoretical-conceptual framework based on Marxist logic and dialectical materialism. This narrative was accompanied by aspects of pride in cultural heritage or, in fact, a combination of Marxist anti-nationalist foundations and non-chauvinist patriotism or patriotism.

The Achaemenian (330-550 BC) had a wide area at their disposal, which consisted of tribes with different rituals, languages and cultures. Their administration required the use of special ideas. The idea based on which the Achaemenids governed their subordinate nations is known as the Pax Persica, which has various dimensions. In today's world, the issue of peace and peaceful coexistence of different ethnicities is a topic that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) focuses on in the culture of peace and it is trying to define the elements based on which the world will be at peace. The purpose of this research is a comparative study of the culture of peace in the Achaemenid period based on the current goals of UNESCO. And it seeks to answer the question that the culture of peace based on today's definition of peace culture and education in UNESCO, to what extent was manifested in the Achaemenid era? The results indicate that the establishment of the Pax Persica idea led to the formation of a peaceful atmosphere, which is largely based on today's UNESCO goals. This article has completed data collection through library studies and presents the results through historical description analysis.