پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال هجدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 69، زمستان 1401)

The conceptual duality of good and right is one of the most basic issues of political thought,. The superiority and inferiority of these two concepts to each other has been a matter of dispute between even modern political philosophers such as Kant and Rawls. In this article, an attempt has been made to check and analyze the dominant view of the discourses of the Islamic Republic on these two concepts, and if there is one or both of them in these discourses, their precedence and backwardness are also examined. Therefore, by assuming the importance of these two concepts in looking of the political , in this article, we try to find out: How has this duality been reflected in the dominant political discourses in the Islamic Republic? Is it possible to find traces of this duality in the system of intra-discourse meanings and inter-discourse confrontations in the political field after the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The analysis method of this article is based on discourse theory. In the theoretical framework, while referring to the conceptual discussions about the duality of good and right, we have put more emphasis on John Rawls's theory of justice as fairness, which, while trying to present a combination between the categories of right and good, places logical precedence over right. The findings of the research show that the two dominant discourses of reformism/ principalism and their predecessors in the period of the Islamic Republic basically have benevolent approaches and were aimed at an idealistic goal.

“current sensitive state” are a proposition that has prevailed in the governance of Iran right from the scratch of the Islamic revolution and become the basis of the virtuousness of decision-making, such that includes all governance dimensions and a sign of it continues to swing.; a situation which is established by anxiety, crisis and peculiarity, and the realm of Iranian biopolitics revolves around it. The framework for scrutinizing this situation is a permanent temporary status that has existed throughout the history of the universe and is latent in the concept of “the state of exception”, a situation swinging in law until it is respected. Agamben’s genealogy has demonstrated it in various forms, that each of them entails a special, structure apart from similarities and manifests themselves in two legal and extra-legal traditions. The essay postulates that the state of exception in Iranian society has been a state of crisis and the question of this essay is whether we can find its position in the legal tradition of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The threshold of indeterminacy and the display of interpretation, discrimination, and plurality of law are the upshot of this essay.

Usually, in the research related to Iran's constitutional revolution, two discourses, traditional and modern, are considered by researchers. Traditional discourse is considered as the supporter of the status quo, while modern discourse is in opposition to the status quo. Thus, other discourses are not examined. The purpose of this article is to distinguish and identify a discourse called the third way among two modern and traditional discourses, which has received less attention. For this purpose, using the Fairclough's critical discourse analysis. Data was collected from primary and secondary sources and Sources have been reviewed by critical analysis method. The article investigates the discourse of the third way among the works of Davoud Feirahi. The discourse of the third way was a discourse that defined itself against the traditional and modern discourse and at the same time negated the West and tradition, and proved modernity and religion. The main question is "How does the third way discourse resist the traditional discourse?" The possible answer to the question is as follows: the third way discourse in the constitutional era, based on its social contexts, and its discourse position, resists against the ideology and power of traditional discourse, presents itself independently of the traditional and modern discourse.

This research was carried out with the aim of sociologically explaining the impact of political culture on the civil claims of Ahvaz citizens.

The research method of the article is a quantitative "survey" method, in which 1,320,000 citizens of Ahvaz were selected as the statistical population, and based on Cochran's formula, the number of 385 people was determined by simple random sampling. The tool for collecting information is a researcher-made questionnaire which were confirmed based on face validity and reliability by Gronbach's alpha. To analyze the data, structural equation modeling method was used with the help of PLS and SPSS software.

The results obtained from the data analysis showed: Hypothesis 1: There is a significant relationship between social belonging and civic claims. Hypothesis 2: There is a significant relationship between communication and civic claims. Hypothesis 3: There is a significant relationship between subservient political culture and claimness . For hypothesis 4, the data showed that there is no significant relationship between political trust and claimness, and therefore the research hypothesis was rejected. Hypothesis 5: There is a significant relationship between limited culture and claimness. Hypothesis 6: There is significant relationship between civic culture and claimness. It is suggested that in order to strengthen citizenship rights, civil culture, trust and social relations and belonging and social dependence of citizens, necessary planning should be done so that the spirit of demanding citizens will increase and they can have a healthy critique of different social situations and participate.

This article is carried out with the aim of "pathology of the research activities of political science faculty members of Tehran state universities in the framework of the higher education system". Data collection was done by reviewing the theoretical foundations and regulations related to the promotion bylaws, then with semi-structured interviews and questionnaires. The field data of the research was collected after semi-structured interviews with 43 faculty members of the political science field in the qualitative section with The method of open coding and the use of content analysis and Maxquda software were analyzed. After examining the qualitative data, extracting the initial codes, reviewing, examining and classifying them in several stages, four main categories and nine subcategories were finally obtained. After analyzing and reducing the meaningful units of 64 initial codes to 363, the frequency of themes in the pathology department of the research activities of the faculty members in the field of statistics and finally the pathology pattern was extracted. The findings of the research in the qualitative part about pathology indicate the effective role of the individual factor "scientific ability", research factors "targetedness and central problem = practicality", "specialism and mental creativity" and "quality". and the validity of journals" as well as damages related to scientific communication. Also, research challenges and obstacles were counted as "individual, organizational, economic and political". In the quantitative part, using a researcher-made questionnaire resulting from semi-structured interviews, the content validity of which was confirmed and collected by 8 political science professors

The study of the status of women during the four decades after the Islamic Revolution is evidence of serious and significant changes in their status and position in both the individual and collective spheres. From the day after the revolution to the end of the fourth decade of the revolution, women have experienced changes in their situation, which has led to the formation of a model of women in society, which is almost different from the model approved by the government. Among the fields that show the process of these changes and developments well are the two fields of cinema and music, which have been able to reflect the status of women in society during these four decades. Therefore, the present research answers the question that what is the relationship between the presence of women in the social arena and their presence in the two arenas of cinema and music? It proposes the hypothesis that the presence of women in the field of music and especially in cinema is a direct reflection of social developments, so that the study and investigation of the position of women in these fields is a good representation of their presence in the social field during these four decades.The result of the research shows that the presence of women in the field of cinema (more) and music (less) has undergone gradual but profound changes in both quantitative and qualitative dimensions during the rule of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The subject of this paper is to explain the situation of hejab/Bi-hejab in contemporary Iran; whose main issue refers to the current situation of Iranian society. In the sense that the expansion in the scope and number of women and girls who are not compatible with the Islamic hejab can be explained. In this strategy, reality is studied in the light of theory and a kind of theory testing is done; the causal mechanisms in the theory are traced in the studied reality. we came to the conclusion that the general Bi-Hejabi common in current Iran It cannot be a dialectical result arising from the policies of the Islamic Republic. At the same time, the emergence of the Internet and the expansion of social networks in recent decades in Iran cannot be the basis of the answer to the problem analyzed in this research. It seems that a part of Iranian women have been moving towards westernization in terms of clothing since the era of “Naser al-Din Shah”; And what we are witnessing today can be the result of the said ongoing process so far. In general, this paper shows that Elias' theory of civilization has an acceptable efficiency in analyzing the behavior patterns of Iranians and revealing the hidden logic behind their changes. As a result, this article, while strengthening Elias's theory, confirms and suggests its application in the analysis and analysis of related issues in the context of Iranian society.