فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 63 (تابستان 1402)

This article examines the political participation of women in the countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia (between 2000 and 2020) in the theoretical framework of power circuits and with a comparative approach and with a descriptive-analytical method. The hypothesis of the research is that from the perspective of the meta-theory of the circuits of power, the ruling social forces in the country of Saudi Arabia through the channel of legislative institutions and the determination of rules and regulations, as well as through the mechanism of the current political culture in their society and involved organizations such as parties. In political socialization, they have tried to limit the desire of women to participate more in their societies, but in Iran, with the emphasis of upper-level documents and legal procedures, there is more tolerance towards the expansion of women's participation. The results indicate that women's efforts against the restrictions have led to movements and rules and procedures that have achieved minimum participation for women in these two countries. Of course, women's political participation in Iran has had a different form and has been wider due to more progressive interpretations and ijtihads than in Saudi Arabia.

In recent decades, the phenomenon of climate change has been one of the major concerns of the world community, and measures have been taken in this direction. Among the most important of these measures is the adoption of the Climate Change Convention on May 9, 1992, followed by the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 and the 2014 Paris Agreement. The main goal of this article is to explain the impact of climate change on the sovereignty of the national government and here the authority and sovereignty of Iran. The current research, by applying the descriptive-analytical research method and based on documentary and library studies, tries to answer the question, how does climate change affect the national sovereignty of Iran? The main hypothesis is that climate change has marginalized the traditional concept of national sovereignty and by creating internal crises with global and international consequences, it has influenced the decisions and processes of national governance and led to a kind of fluidity of governance at the global level. It becomes national, which requires global consensus. The results of the research show that the economic, socio-political and environmental effects of climate change in Iran have created many challenges for national governance in Iran and changed its form from a traditional state to a fluid state.

The topic of this article is the prevention of corruption and its impact on administrative health in Iran. The main question of the research is what are the requirements for preventing administrative corruption in Iran and what effect does it have on administrative health? The hypothesis of the research is that the prevention of administrative corruption in Iran requires the definition of corruption, its measurement, and approaches such as the use of non-governmental organizations, public information and education, and differential procedures, and in this way, administrative health in order to bring it closer to It leads the world average in this field. The research results show that in order to eliminate or reduce corruption in the administrative system and at the community level, basic and all-round programs are needed, and by using individual-oriented preventive methods, environmental prevention, and situation-oriented methods, as well as by influencing the general culture of the society and its dimensions. Like organizational culture, it is needed as a phenomenon that is directly affected by society's culture. The law on improving the health of the administrative system and combating corruption, in line with the adoption of non-judicial supervision, has presented and implemented a new mechanism in the prevention and combating of corruption. In fact, in order to reduce and eliminate this social problem, instead of punitive procedures and confrontation after the occurrence, the prevention of administrative corruption should be targeted. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical qualitative and the data is collected in a library manner.

This article examines the policy, performance, and social base of the Construction Agents Party of Iran and seeks to answer the question, what is the social base, performance, and policy of the Construction Agents Party of Iran? As a hypothesis, it should be said that the Party of Construction Agents is a government-made party, arising from the thinking and discourse of the construction government, and its social base is among the technocrats who believe in technocracy and in their policy and practice on the free market and minimal government. And they emphasize the priority of economic development over political development. On the other hand, this party benefited from the comprehensive support of Hashemi Rafsanjani's government; As a result of its modernization and infrastructural and development changes, especially in urban areas, it was able to open its place among the modern urban middle class and attract the support of this class. Economic development is the most central concept in the performance and policy of this party. This article has used the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data through documentary and library methods.

Promotion of regional power c. A. Iran, which is located in one of the strategic geopolitical regions of the world, is necessary and necessary to provide the ground for the realization of the high goals of the Islamic system and revolution. This is despite the fact that according to the theory of hegemony, extra-regional powers more than ever have their interests around the region. The Middle East strategy revolves and they are trying to maintain the balance and prevent any regional power-seeking. The main question of the article is: How the presence of world powers in the Middle East has caused the process of reducing Iran's regional power and made it face a challenge? The hypothesis of the research is that the great powers such as America, China and Europe are trying to hegemony in the Middle East with their own tools and in this way they will reduce the regional power of Iran. The findings of the research show that America and Europe through various military and political-economic alliances and pacts with the countries of the region, China with extensive economic ties and limited security alliances, etc., have caused restrictions in Iran's regional activities. The research method in this qualitative research is descriptive-analytical, and they were collected from library sources by the chipping method.

Lebanon's Hezbollah is the most important known resistance group against the Zionist regime and has been supported by Iran since the beginning of the revolution. This article aims to study the representation of this powerful military-political party in two media outlets: Al-Manar (belonging to Hezbollah) and PressTV (belonging to the National Broadcasting Center of J.A. Iran). . The main question of this research is: How do these two media represent Hezbollah? Which media policies did the aforementioned representation reflect, and to what extent did it contribute to stabilizing the position of the aforementioned party, especially in the Lebanese society? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that in order to explain the goals of a group and help stabilize its position, media policies play an important role in the representation of the said group, in creating trust in the audience. The result of the research from the investigation of the representation done in both media indicates that Al-Manar has been able to attract many audiences and play an important role in strengthen the position of Hezbollah. This issue, due to the single-centered policies of PressTV, focusing only on the issue of resistance, has caused the representation of the said party to be carried out only in the field of resistance against the occupying Zionist regime. This article is presented with a descriptive and analytical qualitative method, and its data has been collected from library sources as well as television archives and the website of the two mentioned media.

The subject of this article is a comparative study of the relationship between Sultan Faqih in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods. The main question of the article: How was the relationship between the sultan and the jurist in the construction of power in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods? The hypothesis of the present article is as follows: the sultan-faqih relationship in the middle Islamic period was based on the oneness of the caliph and the sultan, while in the Safavid period, the dual and simultaneous rule of the sultan and the faqih was witnessed. The results of the research show that the construction of power in the middle period was based on the trinity of caliphate, congregation and obedience, and the caliph, as the most important institution of Islamic society, was the organizer of religious order and political order at the same time. However, in the Safavid period, the construction of power was removed from the unity of the middle period, and the institution of religion, in the form of the leadership of scholars and jurists, played a role in giving legitimacy to the Safavid sultans in parallel with political power, and as an important factor in politics, to consolidate its position in society. Iranian payment; The power of the religious institution was strengthened during the post-Safawi era and finally, in its historical course, it came objectively in the theory of religious authority and religious sovereignty in Iran, and a political system based on the authority of the authority, in which the duality of jurisprudence and monarchy was eliminated, and the guardian of the authority was the most important position. was ruled; Formed. The research method of this article is qualitative and descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected from library resources by the method of sampling.

International terrorism is one of the main threats that have endangered international security in recent decades; However, governments, international organizations, and lawyers have not reached a specific agreement on providing a comprehensive definition of this phenomenon. In this research, the aim is to investigate the dual approach of Western countries in the fight against international terrorism. The question of this research is how to justify this dual function? In this article, to clarify the dimensions of the problem, the actions, operations and goals of two examples of groups that Western countries have included in the list of terrorist organizations; One is ISIS and the other is Hezbollah. The obtained results indicate the fact that the components that are effective in calling these organizations terrorism are completely tied to the application of tastes, interests and political bias in the international arena. Based on this, one should be aware of the fact that calling a militant group a terrorist can sometimes be used as a pressure lever that is used to secure the interests of a number of international actors. This article is presented by reviewing documents and library resources and using the method of analysis and description of the mentioned data.

Energy diplomacy, as one of the branches of economic diplomacy, is very important in managing the transfer of energy resources, that is, countries knowing each other's energy policies can cooperate with each other by adopting appropriate policies and diplomacy. The main question of the current research is: How can the energy diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran affect the capacity to promote cooperation in Central Asia? The hypothesis that is raised following this question: with the purposeful and deliberate use of energy diplomacy, Iran can achieve regional and global cooperation and convergence, thereby increasing the attraction of foreign investment in the energy industry, and in addition to It achieves sustainable energy security in the regional context by reducing the threats in the production area and increasing the production level and as a result increasing the energy export. The results of the research show that the international sanctions against Iran and the isolation of this country by the United States in regional treaties and agreements, especially in the field of energy, can have negative effects on the relations of this country with Central Asia as well as the power have regional and influential (China, Russia, Turkey). The current research has chosen the descriptive-analytical method as its research method and collected data and information through the library method and through the sampling method.

Throughout history, justice has had different meanings in the thought of various schools and philosophers. This research, by applying two concepts of justice, i.e. Rawls's social justice and Friedman's and Hayek's neoliberal justice, with the slogans and performance of the Ahmadi government, wants to answer this question with an analytical and descriptive method. The 9th and 10th governments that came to work with the slogan of providing social justice, were they able to finally achieve their goals and establish social justice? The hypothesis of this research is that in the end, despite the slogan of social justice, Ahmadinejad, like his previous governments, continued with neoliberal policies and failed to fulfill the slogan of social justice. What was determined by examining the policies and statistics is that although partial and low-impact policies such as Mehr housing were used in the direction of social justice, in the end these policies failed to achieve their goals due to the weakness of expertise and the lack of efforts to change the economic track. make this government a reality and although in some years they temporarily changed indicators such as the Gini coefficient, in the end the 10th government ended its work with negative indicators in terms of social justice

The purpose of the current research is to examine the positions of the Zionist parties, especially the positions of the Likud Party and its impact on the security of the Republic of Iran. The Copenhagen security school is used as a theoretical framework and a descriptive-analytical method and a library tool are used in this research. The key question in this article is what was the impact of the positions of the Likud party during the years 2003 to 2020 on the security of the Republic of Iran. The findings of the research show that the left-wing parties led by the Labor Party have a more cautious view of Iran's nuclear activities and the orientations of these parties have been in line with the actions of the international community, but the religious parties in alliance with the right-wing parties have a similar view to the Likud party. Iran's nuclear activities support and support military actions against Iran, Likud party by making Iran's nuclear activities secure and introducing Iran as an existential threat, has succeeded in persuading the US and other western powers to reduce security threats in the dimensions wide economic, political and military direction to Iran.

The subject of this article is the investigation of the theory of the state in Iran after the revolution and its theoretical feasibility with the "collectivist" theory. In other words, examining the position and role of the state in the collectivism school of thought with its application in Iran after the revolution is the subject that this article intends to investigate. The main question of this research is to what extent the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran conforms to the collectivist theory with certain characteristics, including the theory of religious authority. The main hypothesis of the research is that the government of the era of the Islamic Republic, emphasizing indicators such as freedom, social justice and trying to guide Iranian people to good, is consistent with the aforementioned theory of the government. Congregationalists believe in the idea of a perfectionist state, which implies the moral guidance of individuals within the framework of the cultural traditions of their community. The results of the research show that the government in the era of the Islamic Republic has moved with indicators such as belief in non-individual origin, virtuousness and in pursuing policies aimed at public good and social justice within the framework of collectivist theory. . The research method in this qualitative study is descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected in a library manner and through sampling from various sources.

In this article, it is tried to focus on the case of Lake Urmia, the policies of the Republic of Iran in relation to environmental issues in general and the said lake in particular. In this context, by presenting a report on the emergence of a series of serious crises in the Urmia lake ecosystem in recent years, the question is raised that the government of J.A. What legal approach has Iran adopted regarding such consequences? For this purpose, in this article, in addition to the international documents - the Ramsar Convention - which the Iranian government has committed to, the documents of the J.A. of Iran are studied as environmental strategic laws. In this research, it is assumed that Lake Urmia, which has a wide range of plant, animal and human life around it, needs a macro-policy in the legislative, executive and judicial spheres, which should be in the form of an action plan with a deadline in the order The work of all related institutions should be coordinated. Because despite this necessity, the results of the research indicate the lack of understanding of the importance of the issue, mismanagement, lack of work and lack of cooperation between the relevant institutions on the one hand, as well as the lack of compliance with legal obligations, both in relation to national laws and documents and International documents in the field of saving the lake. This article is based on documents and library resources and qualitative method of analytical and descriptive type.