نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 35 (تابستان 1402)

During the Timurid period (771–913 Lunar Hijri), Shiite teachings became more widely spread as a basis for the Safavids' recognition of Shiism in the next century. The Timurids' inclination towards Sufism, which is the doctrine of tolerance of their beliefs, has had a great impact on this approach, while the existence of Shiite poets has increased the growth of this phenomenon. The role of Shiite and Sunni poets in the emergence and spread of Shiite beliefs is the question of this historical research. Findings based on statistical analysis and analysis of poems of several Shiite and Sunni poets in the Timurid period identified that in this period, Shiite poets, by composing Poetical works full of Shiite beliefs, praise, and care of the Twelve Imams, observed politeness and tolerance towards Sunni beliefs and Sunni poets by composing many poems in praise of twelve imams and the minimal praise of three caliphs, having an influential role in the emergence and consolidation of Shiite beliefs and the spread of that religion. It seems that the writing of correct poetry by the Shiite elders was considered a sign of grace and lack of work in this regard, a sign of the poet's lack of skill, and it resulted in the general lack of popularity of the poems.

Changing and reforming the educational system was the central concern of a range of modern thinkers of the advanced Pahlavi era, which appeared as a modernist discourse in the cultural sphere of this time. The play was one means of expressing these concerns, which, as a new type of writing, could express new concepts in a conversational and story-like format. In the current research, while analyzing the content of constitutional plays and Pahlavi's advanced period, an attempt has been made to examine the mentality of some of the modernist elites in connection with education and its relationship with the country's cultural development. An analytical examination of the content of these plays shows a change in the education discourse, a development that can be interpreted as a modernism manifestation. Criticism of the traditional attitude and introduction of new themes, a new conceptualization of “homeland”, insisting on the necessity of education for all, including adults, and emphasizing physical education alongside education, is a reflection of this discourse evolution. Also, the change in the playwriting approach of the Pahlavi period, compared to the constitutional period, was a function of the political conditions of the time, which was consistent with the policies of the Pahlavi government in the modernization field. In addition, the particular focus on the concept of a better future for the “homeland” in these plays can be seen as a reflection of the nationalism discourse of the Pahlavi era, which focused on the importance of education as a corridor for the transition to a developed and advanced country in the view of the modernists of this era.

During the government formation, Qara Qoyunlu and Aq-qoyunlu always sought to manage and implement their relations with neighboring governments in such a way that they could meet their needs in various fields, including economic needs. Since the population increase and a large number of animals needed many financial sources and territory, the rulers of both governments tried to achieve some financial needs through resources outside their territories by collaboration or conflict with neighboring governments. The problem of this research is to study the way of meeting the economic needs and its impact on the foreign relations of the Qara Qoyunlu and Aq-qoyunlu governments. The research question is what effect did the economic needs have on the relations between Qara Qoyunlu and Aq-qoyunlu with the neighboring governments? The findings of the research, with a descriptive and analytical approach and relying on first-hand sources, show that, during the government formation, the rulers of both Qara Qoyunlu and Aq-qoyunlu met their financial and economic needs by obeying the superior powers, invading, looting, extortion, the development of their territories, ruling the trade routes, and earning the business interest.

During the Timurid period (771–913 Lunar Hijri), Shiite teachings became more widely spread as a basis for the Safavids' recognition of Shiism in the next century. The Timurids' inclination towards Sufism, which is the doctrine of tolerance of their beliefs, has had a great impact on this approach, while the existence of Shiite poets has increased the growth of this phenomenon. The role of Shiite and Sunni poets in the emergence and spread of Shiite beliefs is the question of this historical research. Findings based on statistical analysis and analysis of poems of several Shiite and Sunni poets in the Timurid period identified that in this period, Shiite poets, by composing Poetical works full of Shiite beliefs, praise, and care of the Twelve Imams, observed politeness and tolerance towards Sunni beliefs and Sunni poets by composing many poems in praise of twelve imams and the minimal praise of three caliphs, having an influential role in the emergence and consolidation of Shiite beliefs and the spread of that religion. It seems that the writing of correct poetry by the Shiite elders was considered a sign of grace and lack of work in this regard, a sign of the poet's lack of skill, and it resulted in the general lack of popularity of the poems.

During the reign of Nader Shah Afshar, one of the most notable events was the Mughan Council, which is believed to have altered the monarchy. Nader Shah, however, had many objectives, including securing the monarchy for his lineage, distancing himself from the nobles and clan leaders who supported the Safavid dynasty, modernizing internal affairs and taking a particular political and religious stance toward it, forging new alliances, and settling the long-standing dispute with the Ottoman empire. The participation of some of the people in the Mughan Council who were invited for consultation was another crucial factor. The Mughan Council has so many complex issues that its sheer volume obscures its main problem. Why did Nader Shah form the Mughan Council, and what was its primary purpose? What was the need to establish it? Conducting it first was to transfer Safavid's sovereignty to Nader. The historical facts, the process of acquiring power, the unusual circumstance, and the matters brought up before the Mughan Council are irreconcilable with this notion. This process has involved a more significant issue. Nader Shah aimed to expand his territory beyond the Safavid domain, which had a predominantly Sunni population. He also redefined the regulation of internal and external power relations, leading to establishment of the Mughan Council through a complex set of interrelated issues.

With the rise of the Safavid government, Shiite scholars had to theorize this institution of monarchy in political jurisprudence. However, the lack of an exemplar and the inconsistency of the model of monarchy with some theological thoughts of Shiites was considered a challenge in this practice. Eventually, by maintaining the theological foundations, believing that any type of government in the occultation era is usurped, they compromisingly came to terms with the monarchy concept and considered it necessary. In this model, the Sultan, a divine gift, was at the head of the society and should never be disobeyed. Although during the constitutional period, some scholars were in favor of the continuation of this idea, some Shiite jurists considered some of the components of the Ma'mouleh monarchy to be the source of Iran's economic and political crises. They proposed a law-bound sultan in their written works and statements, which openly challenged some of the components of the Ma'mouleh monarchy. This article, with a descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources, especially the political treatises of Iranian scholars, aims to answer the question "What factors have caused the change in the discursive approach of Shia scholars regarding the monarchy?". First, the discourse of the Ma'mouleh monarchy with its components and also the background of thinkers' interest in this discourse is analyzed. Then the discourse of constitutional monarchy along with its components is dissected. Since the turning of the discourse requires the weakening of the previous discourse and the existence of an alternative discourse in the second stage, in the end, the change of the economic context and the inefficiency of the Ma'mouleh monarchy and the flaw in this discourse is explained, and also the simultaneousness of this flaw which is accompanied by the existence of alternative governance, that is the conditional monarchy is discussed. Therefore, these two data together include the reasons and factors of this discursive turn of the leading scholars. This change of discourse was therefore important for the leading scholars, which was a necessary introduction to the fundamental reforms of the government in Iran.

The Khafīfīyya Order is attributed to Ibn Khafīf, Sūfī of the fourth century AH (882/982) who lived in Shiraz. The concepts of Absence (ghaybah) and Presence (ḥoḍūr) are central ideas in Ibn Khafīf's school. However, the existing literature provides only a brief mention of this attribution to Ibn Khafīf, the founder of the Khafīfīyya Order. Given the lack of in-depth study on Ibn Khafīf's social approaches, this article seeks to elucidate the significance of mentioned ideas within Ibn Khafīf's intellectual framework and expound on the interpretation of their meanings. This research adopts Chandler's semiotic approach to delve into the ideas of "absence and presence" within context. The findings of this study reveal that Ibn Khafīf endeavored to show isolation and seclusion as different and sometimes even contradictory acts of abstinent (tark) from worldly matters.