International Journal of Political Science
Volume:12 Issue: 6, Nov-Dec 2022

The United States, as the dominant power in the structure of the international system, has been in decline since 9/11, and a gradual trend has emerged in its hegemonic position. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important regional players, were not unaffected by these changes in US power and the situation of this country in the structure of the international system. Changes in US power and position in this structure have also affected Saudi Arabia's relations with Iran in the Middle East security order. The question that arises in this regard is what effects the change in the position of the United States in the structure of the international system after 9/11 has had on the security order in the Middle East and, consequently, on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the present article, an attempt is made to provide a suitable explanation of the subject by combining the theoretical propositions of neorealism and hegemonic stability using a descriptive-analytical method. The required information has been collected by library method and referring to valid internet sources.

In the contemporary era, regionalism as aligned or Alternative to globalization, is one of the selective approaches of States. Iran, which is an international country and a regional power by geographical and historical circumstances, was able to improve its regional position from the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century, with the end of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the independence of the Central Asian and South Caucasus republics; But despite Iran's privileged geographical location, Iran's cultural and civilizational affinities with these countries and the formulation of six five-year development plans, during the past three decades, I.R. of Iran could not act as regional pole country and benefit from its regional capacities in relation to those countries. In the present study, the main question is "What is the position of the transnational region in Iran's five-year development plans?" and with using the method of document review and content analysis, the materials and clauses of the six development plans were reviewed. Findings of the article show that, in development plans, the meaning of the region is not clear; the amount of attention to the region in the programs varies widely and the main component of the region, its territory and its constituent countries, differs from one to another. As a practical result, suggested that "Iranian Civilization Area" as the geographical-cultural region surrounded Iran, be defined as the target region of Iran and a specific example of the transnational region in the country's macro-planning and policies.

 Trump's era also included Palestine as it witnessed a change in methods and approaches in all regional, economic, political, international and military relations. And it brought about a fundamental change in the approach of the American government's plan for Palestine. In the plan that the "Trump" administration presented under the title "Deal of the Century", the basis for solving the Palestinian issue is not the "two-state" plan, but the formation of a "Jewish national homeland" in Palestine. Contrary to the "Middle East Peace Process" which was followed by the Arab countries along with the United States and the European Union, and in which the solution of the Palestinian issue and the formation of an independent Palestinian state based on the borders of 1967 was supposed to be the condition and prelude to the normalization of relations between the Arab countries and the Zionist regime. Trump announced in the "Deal of the Century" that the normalization of Arab countries' relations with the Zionist regime is a prelude to solving the Palestinian issue. In this research, in search of an answer to the question, what was the basis of America's foreign policy in the Middle East during the presidency of Donald Trump, especially regarding the deal of the century? And what was the role of oil dollars in this regard? We reached this conclusion by using the descriptive-analytical method and by using Michael Brecher's chaos theory and crisis theory; that the American foreign policy in the Middle East during the presidency of Donald Trump, especially regarding the deal of the century, has been based on a unilateral settlement approach and on the basis of protecting Israel's interests. And moving the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and establishing relations between Israel and the Arabs have been among its achievements. In this regard, Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE provided economic support to this plan using their oil dollars.

The concept of Tadbir-e-Manzil (household management) is a concept in history of political thought in Islam. It refers to management of household and the way family members participate in carrying out and regulating the affairs of Manzil (household). With the aim of achieving a new understanding of Tadbir-e-Manzil and its formation and evolution in its semantic domain, this article’s question is a question about the origin and the nature of its concept, its semantic evolution, and its sociopolitical implications within the framework of its conceptual history and in the period of translation movement. The period during which the process of translation causes an environment of cultural exchange that introduces a possibility of semantic comparison of concepts in relation to their sociopolitical realities. Studies show that Tadbir-e-Manzil in its conceptual origin and in its sociopolitical reality in ancient Greece as Oikonomia, has been a support to the concept of Greek citizenship, in relation to its ethics and economic production status. And then in the course of its semantic transition and change to the realm of the Islamic Iranian civilization, it has been selected and applied as Tadbir-e-Manzil by Moslem scholars in relation to Islamic sociopolitical realities as well as Islamic acting space of translation movement. In fact the main issue is that Tadbir-e-Manzil, in an obvious difference with ancient Greek Oikonomia, has been used in accordance with Islamic political reality based on individual Islamic morality and political obedience. Tadbir-e-Manzil presents Islamic innate and sublime tendencies in achieving prosperity. It also gives continuity to the acting of political reality based on Divansalary as a system managing house and household.

The present study seeks to examine the position of Iran in Russia's Middle East policy. And it seeks to examine the hypothesis that Iran has played a multiple role in the political, military, security, economic, energy, and geographical spheres in the rivalries and relations between the two great powers, Russia and the United States, over the past two decades in West Asia. And it strengthens the Tehran-Moscow cooperative attitude in West Asia. To test this hypothesis, descriptive-analytical method and library and documentary sources were used; And the implementation of this research is in the framework of constructivist theory that was used to analyze the variables. And according to the results of the research, the change of power in the past few years and the increase of the power axis of the East versus the West, which can be promising for Iran. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council with a veto power as well as significant commonalities with Iran in relation to the United States, is now in an important position in Iran's foreign policy. And Russia, as part of its strategic project, is essential to challenging US sovereignty for Iran.

An important part of the macro policy process of a political system can be identified with media policy-making. This identification becomes better and more efficient when comparing the quality and quantity of policies of two different governments with two different approaches within a political system. In this research, an attempt is made to make a comparative study regarding the media policies of the two governments of Mohammad Khatami and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The main question of this research states that "What is the main difference between the media policies of Khatami and Ahmadinejad governments?" In response, the main hypothesis states that "Khatami's media policies affect one aspect of the mass media (the press) and this is while the media policies of the Ahmadinejad’s government have influence and power over the national media. The findings of this study show that parallel management structures and interference in policy-making in the Islamic Republic of Iran have made the governments of Khatami and Ahmadinejad succeed in one part of their media policies.

With the collapse of Iraq’s previous political structures by US invasion in 2003, all political and social institutions based on Ba'ath party ideology were dismantled and Iraq entered into a new phase. The democracy entrance in Iraq began in 2003 and led to an acceptable political participation level with the constitution drafting in 2005 and with various election holding by people direct voting. Iraq’s entrance into the new phase has made regional actors sensitive to their future, including Iran. Iraq’s domestic ethnic-religious characteristics and geographical location have tied its events to its neighbors and international actors. The political structure, social realities and the lack of comprehensive identity to achieve political order have created many challenges in current Iraq. These challenges in various political, social, ethnic-religious, security, etc. dimensions have disturbed the forming of a national identity process in Iraq and created the necessary ground for terrorism and terrorist groups’ emergence and creation. The purpose of this study is to investigate the role of identity in Iraq’s (post- Saddam) challenges and Iran’s foreign policy orientation applying Constructivism Theory. The descriptive-analytical method and library resources used in collecting data and information.

With the formation of the new world order after the Cold War under the leadership of America, the foreign policy of this country has fluctuated between the two traditions of unilateralism and multilateralism. From this point of view, interacting with different countries, joining regional alliances and coalitions, interacting with international institutions and organizations as the axes of multilateralism and avoiding alliances and coalitions, pessimism towards organizations and international institutions and ignoring issues such as America's role in promoting human rights and democracy are considered as axes of unilateralism. However, the changes that have taken place in the foreign policy of the Trump era have indicated a tendency towards unilateralism and paying more attention to the national and domestic interests of the United States. Based on this, this article raises the question that which solutions influenced unilateralism as one of the strategies of the Trump administration. In other words, what are the solutions to realize the unilateralist strategy of the United States of America in the Trump era? The hypothesis of the article is: Isolationism instead of interactionism, pessimism and non-cooperation with regional and global institutions and organizations, and the pursuit of America first policy and the priority of America's national and economic interests over the costs of this country, are the solutions to realize the unilateralism strategy in the Trump era. The findings of the article show that based on the approach of realism, Trump, by withdrawing from regional and global agreements, put the government's sovereignty at the top of the globalized order, defend the American identity, emphasize national interests, cost Considering America's support for democracy and human rights and reducing America's military role in the world and military and commercial alliances, it has supported the approach of unilateralism through increasing the internal power of the United States of America.

International engagement is as old as the existence of mankind on the surface of planet earth. The complexity of cosmos intercourse increases and changes with respect to the development of human society, which is a response to discovery, innovation in science and technology. Prior to the Westphalia treaty of 1648, monarchs and individuals were the dominant actors in global interaction (Odo, 2012). They were faced with some unique impediments in turn with time, environmental factors and likewise, vis-à-vis mechanisms for mitigation. With the birth of the modern state system, the state has taken a prominent position in shaping the international fora (Shehu & Garba, 2020). Scholarship and scholars' postulation about how, where, what, when and why of international relations is a contextual phenomenon. The scope of international relations is as wide as the challenges therein: general and specific. One of such is strategic thinking and within is international law and law war. Security studies is a component of international relations of mainstream political science. During the 40 years period that followed the Second World War, between 1945 and 1985, there have been more than 140 wars and armed conflicts. In the same epoch, armed conflict and war broke out on the territory of 69 countries with the participation of 81 states (Tunkin, 1986). In other sense, Nigeria state was geographically European during the 1884/1885 Berlin conference. Nigeria got her independence on 1st October 1960 from a British colonial lord. Since then Nigeria has not gone to war with any state but is fighting various internal crises. Among such is Boko Haram insurgency which came limelight in the year 2002 (Shehu, 2021). The movement is seeking to replace democratic institutions of government with Islamic oriented via jihad. The general thrust of this research is to examine historical development that midwife principles of jus ad bellum. While the specific are: to examine international law and jus ad bellum; to identify conventions and scholars on the jus ad bellum; and to identify and apply the principles of jus ad bellum in Nigeria respond to Boko Haram.

 The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of empowering the two components of education and supporting the freedom of action of Baluch women on social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province. The present research has been done by descriptive survey method. The data collection tool was a questionnaire and the statistical population of the present study consisted of 380 women in the province. After collecting data and analyzing the data, it was found that empowerment of Baloch women has an impact on social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province and it can be said that about 83% of changes in dependent variable, social security is expressed by independent variable, empowerment of Baloch women. . It was also found that the support of Baluch women has an impact on social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province and the rate of this impact was set at about 76%. And the awareness and education of Baloch women has a positive effect on social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province. The rate of this effect was about 72%. Freedom of action for Baluch women has an impact on social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province, which was about 80%. The results show that empowering Baloch women by increasing their education and awareness and developing their freedom of action in various social participations, will ensure social security in Sistan and Baluchestan province. Some components in the value and cultural system of the Baloch people can act positively in empowering Baloch women instead of being an obstacle.

In the Constitutional era, the situation in Iran changed the poetry language and expression to change compared to the previous era, i.e., so-called "literary return", leading poets to adopt appropriate formats and meters in order to convey the concepts and themes arising from the new era, such as homeland, law, justice, freedom, poverty, tyranny, and so on. The main catalyst for this change of approach was nothing but tyranny and socio-political repression. Certainly, the poet will not have freedom of expression in an environment where tyranny and oppression prevail, and he will not thus convey his thoughts to the audience through implicit and explicit language and expression. On the other hand, his task is to compose as he considers himself a mirror of the history of his time while recognizing the fact that as an artist, he has a social commitment. So, he has no choice but to resort to indirect language and expression or what is called "satire" to struggle with the evils, dysfunctions and crises facing the society. The authors sought in this article to explore the satirical poetry of four prominent poets of the Constitutional era, namely, Nasim Shomal, Iraj Mirza, Mirzadeh Eshghi and Ali Akbar Dehkhoda in order to analyze the most important themes of their satire from content point of view. The present study suggested the most evident "poetic satires" themes of these four poets are social, political and religious. These four poets have sought to convey their ideas to the people via a simple language, through appropriate formats and often lively meters, while at thee same time criticizing the rulers of the time by means of various satirical techniques by raising important issues regarding a constitutional society, in order that the oppressed people are awakened from their ignorance slumber.

Civil liability in environmental damages is one of the new legal institutions that has increasingly attracted the attention of private lawyers and legislators. Today, due to the fact that pollution in Iranian law has become very high, this will cause many risks and losses, including large financial losses and irreparable damage to health. It is very necessary and vital to anticipate the appropriate rules and regulations in this field. The first theory in the theory of environmental pollution responsibility is the theory of fault. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the responsibility of environmental damage in Iranian and international law. Although governments today are responsible for their own harmful actions, since the civil liability of the government in Iran is based on fault, it is difficult to compensate for many of the damage done to the environment. Therefore, it was better to consider pure responsibility for the perpetrators of environmental damage and pollution. Damage to the environment and the resulting damage is one of the problems faced by today's society, and that the environment has been seriously damaged in various ways on a daily basis, but regardless of the damage to a particular person, it has been left without compensation. And no one bears this responsibility, so due to the need to compensate for any loss or damage, in most legal systems, the study, evaluation and discussion of civil liability for environmental damage, will have a special place in jurisprudence.

Different human groups live in Iran, of which Lors are one of the main groups that make up its population. The Lors are in three groups, nomadic, rural and urban, following the Alawi and Twelve Imam Shias. In addition to having an important role in the stability of the bond between them, this religion has been the factor of their integration and convergence with other compatriots. Islam and Shiism are one of the basic elements of the national identity that influence the individual and social lives of Iranian people. They play a significant role in the emergence of values, ideals, norms, customs, in the identification of people, national solidarity, in social, cultural and political structures. By using symbols of belief in Imam Ali's guardianship, ijtihad, authority, rituals, religious rituals, ethnic and national religious celebrities, they have played a major role in strengthening Iran's national identity. This research is analytical-descriptive in terms of its fundamental purpose, in terms of method, and the required data have been collected by library, documentary and electronic study methods.