نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال بیستم شماره 3 (پیاپی 79، زمستان 1402)

Sanctions imposed on Iran to curb Iran's nuclear program proved to be a genuine threat to energy security of major oil importers from Iran, including Spain. With the onset of Iran nuclear issue, Spain could use different policies towards Iran, including leadership role, passive role or acting as a facilitator of the EU foreign policy. Thus, the main question of this research is: What role did Spain play in achieving the JCPOA within the framework of the European Union? The hypothesis of the research states that Spain was taking steps drawing upon its soft power sources to act as a facilitator of the EU foreign policy towards Iran and to achieve the JCPOA. The theoretical framework used is Nye’s theory of soft power. The qualitative research method was the Fairclough’s 3D Model was adopted and the data is drawn from documentary method. The results indicate that Spain, by using soft power components, acted both to advance the EU's strategy towards Iran and to increase its influence in the EU. In its approach towards Iran, Spain considered the issue of improving its situation within the decision-making structure of the European Union. various discourses such as the dialogue of the alliance of civilizations and closeness and friendship during the Zapatero era, trust-building discourse, the regional role of Iran, energy diplomacy and the legal discourse of the Rajoy era all were in the direction of creating and using soft power in order to change the stance in Iran and the European Union.

This paper examines the cases of nuclear non-proliferation in Iran and South Korea, focusing on the Western approach toward these cases. Both Iran and South Korea were found to be non-compliant with the International Atomic Energy Agency's regulations. Although the nature and level of non-compliance were similar, the cases were resolved differently, with South Korea's case being closed shortly after the resolution of their non-compliance issues. This research aims to investigate the differing outcomes of the nuclear cases of Iran and South Korea. Specifically, this study analyzes the reports of the International Atomic Energy Agency on the non-compliance of Iran and South Korea, as well as the positions of Western countries during the conferences of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Through this analysis, the study concludes that the primary reason for the divergent outcomes is not related to the political systems or relationships of Iran and South Korea with the West but rather to the differing approaches of the West towards these cases.

Removing the traditional boundaries and living in cyberspace require that by reforming existing laws and regulations and establishing new law and regulations and also to codify specific laws and procedures for organizing this new state of affairs, steps have been taken in order to guarantee the rights of citizens. Undoubtedly, it would not be possible to establish and approve these regulations without affecting and observing the international human rights law. This article, which is descriptive and analytic, addresses the issue of how can regulated cyber-security regulations be effective in protecting citizens' rights in terms of compliance with the human rights standards of the third generation? According to the study, cyber law and regulations could play a significant and significant role in protecting civil rights, and in particular the right to development of the third generation of human rights, if they are in accordance with human rights standards, international rules and global norms.Key words: cyber space, civil rights, human rights, third generation . guarantee

The tension between countries caused by disputes over territory, economic pressures, embargoes and religious conflicts has worsened relations between nations in such a way that, if these differences are considered insulting or unfair, they can cause feelings of hostility and increase ethnic and finally they will express their feelings in the market.Therefore, the present study aimed to investigate the Impact of Economic Animosity on Consumer nationalism and Product-Country Images.In this regard, a sample of 338 people from the community of 2,800 graduates of economics and business in two countries were selected by a simple random method and questionnaires were distributed and the data were analyzed using the structural equation technique. The results showed: a) levels of animosity towards a foreign country do not affect either the perceived level of the general country image of the country or the perceived quality of the products made there. Conversely, findings support a strong and negative relationship between consumer animosity and product receptivity; as a Consequence, consumers with a higher level of economic animosity are less willing to welcome more imports from countries perceived as hostile, they show a lower level of pride and are less available to share positive word of mouth. b) Economic Animosity towards a foreign country can also increase nationalism feelings,and increase the preference for domestic products/services to express"patriotism".Therefore, the results of this study, can provide policymakers with a clearer understanding of the potential negative consequences of political and economic actions that are perceived as offensive or unfair.

Since the global system is increasingly unstable and cracked, we are in the middle of a series of regional transformation processes that have created the possibility of fundamental changes in the traditional order and subsequently in the behavior patterns of the actors. These processes of change and transformation have led to fundamental changes in the traditional ways of pursuing interests and in general the foreign policy strategies of global and regional actors. Due to its sensitive geopolitical situation, Turkey has faced many challenges in foreign and defense policy as a result of regional transformation processes. This issue has caused Turkey to be in a continuous geopolitical battle simultaneously on many fronts from the Eastern Mediterranean to the South Caucasus and the Ukraine crisis due to the power gaps that have emerged in the neighboring geography. The question of the current research is what effect the processes of regional change have had on Turkey's geopolitical competition in the surrounding areas؟ The current research hypothesizes that Turkey, by emphasizing the principle of self-help in the framework of the processes of change and transformation of the global and regional order, seeks flexible and dynamic alliances and shapes the vital space and united regions in line with the goal of strategic and balanced independence. Establishing relations with the West and the East is one of the emerging trends of foreign policy. The method of descriptive-analytical research and the method of data collection is the library.

The present article delves into the underlying motives and techniques employed by Western media in portraying Iran and Russia as adversaries. The study is underpinned by two primary theoretical frameworks, namely the advertising model and critical discourse analysis, which are utilized to scrutinize the language and social context of media texts. The central research question seeks to unravel the reasons behind the demonization of Iran and Russia by Western media. This article is an explanatory study that draws on library sources, and the method of analysis employed is discourse analysis. The findings of this research reveal that demonization is utilized by the West as a propaganda tool due to cultural and political disparities, nuclear concerns, support for terrorism, global threats, and regional competition. The creation of negative and hostile images of these countries serves to exert economic and political pressure while simultaneously presenting a positive and amicable image of Western actions. Western media commonly employ terms such as "regime," "dictatorship," "paramilitary," or "proxy" to describe Iran and Russia, while using positive terms such as "government," "democracy," "army," or "partner" to describe themselves. The language used by Western media reflects the interests, biases, and agenda of media owners.

Harmonisation of laws with the aim of increasing legal certainty and predictability has been on the agenda for decades. Particularly in the field of international trade, replacing multiple scattered national legislation and international regulations with uniform laws is of paramount importance since it can facilitate trade by mitigating the costs associated with acquiring information about different laws and adapting to them. The Convention on the International Sale of Goods (CISG) is one of these efforts. The overall success of international instruments purporting to create legal harmonisation is to be assessed based on the level of acceptability and certainty that they have. Still, 40 years after the adoption of this instrument, half of the Governments and some of the major economies including the UK, India, and South Africa have not ratified it. Criticisms have been received from Governments and lawyers about the certainty of its provisions. But how have the Governments approached the CISG and what are the necessary reforms in the light of trade and sustainable development? Drawing on a qualitative research this article attempts to answer this question and prove the hypothesis that the CISG needs to be reformed in order to meet modern global requirements. Therefore, it analyses the status of the CISG in the context of trade and the approach of States. Next, the development of international trade and sustainable development requirements have been analysed as an aspect of the global changes that reveal the weaknesses of the convention and call for the reform of this instrument.

Despite the critical importance of science and knowledge in the international arena and the necessity of promoting science on a global scale, certain countries are now subjected to widespread scientific discrimination with detrimental effects. Known as scientific apartheid, this form of discrimination warrants careful consideration and calls for scientific and legal investigation. Hence, this study aims to identify legal challenges and gaps in international regulations and organizations. For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical approach is employed to address the following inquiries. What is the legal stance on scientific apartheid in international law? What challenges and gaps exist in this domain? According to the research findings, although laws and regulations have been implemented within the realm of international law to address scientific discrimination and apartheid, there are major gaps that must be taken into account. These gaps include UNESCO’s narrowed scope of activity, a broad and ambiguous definition of discrimination without specific examples provided, inadequate assurance of law enforcement, outdated and insufficient international legal provisions, the influence of certain countries in international organizations, and the absence of criminalization of scientific discrimination in international legal frameworks.

In the second half of the 21st century, stakeholders of the petroleum industry established international arbitration precedents, which gave birth to important verdicts and legal principles in international law. These precedents have played a key role in resolving disputes. According to the analytical and explanatory review of theories and verdicts of international arbitration regarding the rules of different countries through desk methods, online documents, and online references over time, it is concluded that arbitral verdicts have not only resolved the petroleum sector disputes but also effectively prevented their recurrence through meticulous cause analysis.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran manifests the will of the people and political participation. Active political participation has always been emphasized by Imam (RA), the Supreme Leader, and state officials in the post-revolution Iran. However, during the four decades since the victory of the revolution, we have witnessed many ups and downs in this regards. This study aimed at a comparative study between the presidential elections of 2013 and 2021 in Iran. In fact, we sought to investigate the effect of political participation on the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran and how these effects can be explained in the context of presidential elections of 2013 and 2021. This study was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method. The general conclusion indicated that the higher the political participation, the stronger the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was illustrated in the position of Iran in the case of JCPOA in the wake of the presidential election of 2013, and that the lower the political participation, the weaker the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was more the case in the presidential election of 2021.

It is crucial to examine how states pursue their national interests since this can be a tricky matter. Some states may take extreme measures to safeguard their interests not allowing any external interference. Meanwhile, others may use their national interests as a pretext for interventionist actions, which goes against their supposed objectives. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a thorough and unbiased research work to understand how changes in national interests affect the principle of non-intervention. This descriptive-analytical study aims to to address the question of how recent developments have affected national interests and the principle of non-intervention. Specifically, the focus is on identifying the types of challenges national interests have faced and how these challenges have influenced the strengths and weaknesses of the principle of non-intervention. Results reveal that in recent times, the focus of national interests has shifted towards the protection of fundamental human rights and the betterment of the global community. This has led to a decrease in government control based solely on national interests to justify the use of the principle of non-intervention.

Inmates are often vulnerable and exposed to various health problems. Public health and the commitment of society to social justice are two compelling reasons for the provision of health care in prisons. Guaranteeing the right of inmates to health depends on the interdisciplinary cooperation between criminal justice and health systems. The necessity of this interaction vests a key role in nurses in preserving optimal health in penal institutions. Considering the medical, social, and forensic dimensions of patients, nurses can play an effective role in establishing health justice and better welfare for inmates, their families, and society as a whole, while mitigating the adverse physical and psychological outcomes of confinement. The main question that this study aims to address is as follows: what are the role and position of forensic nurses in penal institutions? The research hypothesis is that the position of forensic nursing in Iran’s criminal justice system is structurally and institutionally different from those in Canada and the US. Hence, this study aims to explain the role and position of forensic nurses in the penal institutions of Canada and the US. For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical method was employed. According to the results, guaranteeing the right of inmates to health necessitates adopting novel solutions and attracting interdisciplinary cooperation. By engaging forensic nurses in penal institutions, Canada and the US have greatly succeeded in eliminating the shortcomings in this field. Therefore, it is suggested that Iranian authorities follow in the footsteps of the countries that have already taken this path and found promising solutions to deal with this problem and benefit from the capacity of nurses.

The relationship between trade and security is a concern for many international relations researchers, and numerous studies have been conducted on the mutual or separate effects of these two concepts on each other. However, this gap is still clearly visible in the case of Qatar. Therefore, the authors are looking to investigate this issue and answer the question "What impact have Qatar's trade actions had on its security from 2008 to 2020?" The research method is qualitative, using the sampling technique and explanatory approach to examine the causal effects of the variables under investigation. Data was collected through library-documentary methods and primary sources such as documents, reports, books, articles, and websites. Overall, the general aim of this research is to examine the impact of trade on the security of countries (a case study of Qatar). The theoretical framework of mutual dependence, which is one of the intellectual strands of liberalism, is used to clarify the subject. The overall results show that a significant portion of Qatar's current security has been achieved through reliance on the idea of mutual dependence and long-term development policies, as well as finding powerful political, economic, and cultural partners, and through economic diversification, which has led to military empowerment, economic stability and relative prosperity, and human and social development.

Although Yemen was mainly without a single state until 1990, the gradual dissolution of the country's territorial integrity concerned the international community and turned into the world's worst humanitarian crisis in recent years. In the meantime, many humanitarian organizations have directly and indirectly sent their aid to this country to alleviate the suffering of Yemeni civilians. One of these humanitarian organizations was the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). This descriptive-analytical study aims to address the crisis in Yemen, find out why humanitarian organizations are attracted to this country, and discuss the organization's performance in reducing human and non-human damages caused by internal crises. The primary research's concern is the performance of the ICRC in dealing with the Yemen crisis. This descriptive-analytical study argues that the activities of the ICRC have led to the expansion of security and the reduction of damages to civilians, women, and children during the Yemen crisis. This study used a bibliographic technique for data collection.