نشریه اندیشه سیاسی در اسلام
پیاپی 35 (بهار 1402)

The present study compares the views and opinions of two of the most prominent contemporary political philosophers in Iran and the world, Shahid Motahari (one of the most famous speakers in the two decades before the Islamic Revolution and one of the most influential people in the Islamic Republic) and Friedrich Hayek (one of the greatest economists). and political philosophers of the 20th century) about the concept of freedom. The results of the research show that freedom from Shahid Motahari's point of view is simpler than its concept in liberalism, and by creating "spiritual freedom" literature, he tries to point out another dimension of freedom that is neglected in the liberal view. Secondly, the basis of these two concepts have differences with each other; But now we have to look at the concept of "social freedom" which is a common word in Islam and liberal thought; What are the similarities and differences and to what extent can Shahid Motahari's view be considered as an explanation of the thought of pure Islam, converging with social freedom in its liberal sense. In a general summary, it can be said that freedom in Motahari's thought is more institutional and natural, and in Hayek's thought, it is followed institutionally and in relation to economic and political institutions.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the similarities and differences between Salafi political thought of the model of the Taliban Islamic Emirate and Velayat-e-Faqih in the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The method used in this article is a comparison method based on Internet resources and libraries. The emergence of Salafi thought in the political arena of the countries of the Islamic world and the operational experience of the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih is the reason for writing the current research. The findings of this study show that the political thought of contemporary Salafis in returning to Islam, confronting and fighting Western civilization has similarities with the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih.The method used in this article is a comparison method based on Internet resources and libraries. The emergence of Salafi thought in the political arena of the countries of the Islamic world and the operational experience of the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih is the reason for writing the current research. The findings of this study show that the political

It is not possible to understand the contemporary field of Najaf without knowing the school of Ayatollah Khoei. Without claiming to be an independent madrasa, Ayatollah Khoei is undoubtedly the owner of the madrasah, which has bound the entire area to himself in this period. This school has general and special trends that each of the students of this school are in a way the guardian and expander of these trends. The general approach of this school is to avoid politics and engage full-time in Islamic sciences; And its special approach is temporary entry - according to necessity and emergency - in political affairs. Examining the works and social practice of many contemporary jurists of Najaf shows that they are strongly bound to the general and specific approach of this school and even those who live outside Najaf still define themselves along this school. What are the general and special trends of this school? The answer to this question is the main mission of this article. An answer that has received less attention in Persian literature.

This research explores the historical course of the concept of public interest in the Islamic Republic era. Considering the idea of public interest, this article tries to explain the concept of public interest from the perspective of Ayatollah Khomeini's political thought which includes his speech about the acceptance of the resolution and an excerpt from his political will. The concept of public interest from Ayatollah Khomeini's point of view and its relationship with national interests, legal guardianship, and maintaining the totality of the system have been examined. With the Islamic revolution, many concepts underwent a semantic transformation and were placed in a new format. The method of this article is one of the qualitative methods of meaning analysis, especially Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method. The findings of this paper show that, first, public interest still takes priority over individual interest. Secondly, due to its social background, this concept acquired Shiite themes after the revolution. The final result of this article is that when Sharia rulings and public interest are in conflict, public interest prevails over Sharia rulings. Issuing governmental decrees is exclusively the responsibility of the legal guardian, and this concept is derived from the theory of welayat al-faqih, which is rooted in the Shia tradition. Ayatollah Khomeini's concept of public interest, which is closely linked to national concerns, legal guardianship and the cohesion of the overarching system, reveals a nuanced political philosophy. However, in Ayatollah Khomeini's thought, the jurist is the successor of the infallible imams and has the rights of imams, and one of these powers is the government decree that the leadership uses in times of need for the public interest of the society. The dynamic interaction between Islamic principles and the imperatives of public welfare, as articulated by ayatollah Khomeini, serves as a distinctive feature in the evolving landscape of the Islamic Republic.

Building a political society in harmony with its civilizational background has been the main issue of political thinkers for a long time. The construction of a political system is first formed with a special view of human beings, and the political form is organized from the heart of the way of looking at human beings. The construction and presentation of the political man was particularly important in the Islamic world and the contemporary era, because the weight of the traditional view and the presence of colonialism had put this basic concept in a kind of silence. How to create a harmonious society with spatial and temporal boundaries has important features and points in the context of religious and post-colonial perspective. In this article, we try to analyze the causes of the dissolution of liberation in man from the perspective of Iqbal Lahori, and then how to fix it, as well as to make a political man with the burden of responsibility.

The transition to democracy has now become one of the most important topics in political studies. transition literature has been more historical and descriptive, and by creating a large number of variables and possible combinations, it has made it difficult to reach an understanding of predictability or logical consistency, or the meaning of a general dynamic pattern. The analysis of social and political phenomena requires setting up a suitable theoretical framework, and choosing the most suitable theory among existing theories or theory construction is one of the important stages of scientific research. The present article is an attempt to expand and create the field of application of one of the great theoretical devices in the political studies of revolutions to analyze the process of transition to democracy. The claim of the current research is that the capacities available in the theory of political mobilization provide the possibility for the researcher to organize the entire process of transition to democracy from the failure of the previous authoritarian system to the establishment and stabilization of democracy in a systematic theoretical model.