دانش نامه علوم سیاسی
پیاپی 12 (پاییز 1402)

The publication of imaginary cartoons attributed to the Prophet (PBUH) in 2015 and their republication in 2019 in the newspaper Shali Abdo triggered a crisis in France and Muslim protests and identity conflicts in that country. Initially, these conflicts were mainly discussed as a question of freedom of expression and the "clash of civilisations". However, the evidence shows that there is a growing negative attitude towards the Muslim minority, caused by the immigration crisis and the growth of the Muslim population. The spread of right-wing extremist parties. The French liberal identity has seen Muslims as the other and the negation of its own identity. Instead of studying these riots as an independent event, which gives them a temporal character, this article will focus on framing the crises as a manifestation of the identity conflict caused by the lack of recognition of the Muslim minority as the main identity group. The aim of this article is to discover the identity conflicts that form the basis of these crises and to examine the performance of French identity, which, by creating a crisis of caricatures, seeks to highlight the competitions and complications that lead to the protest and incitement of Muslims as a major identity group in France. Is. In this article, using an analytical-critical approach and drawing on the theories of thinkers such as Taylor and Kamilika, the first part discusses theoretical aspects related to identity and the politics of identification. He explains that the clash of identities between the integrated identity of the French and the Muslim has led to the emergence of Islamic radicalism in the form of terror and violence.

With the re-domination of the Taliban over Afghanistan and the fall of the republican system in 2021, this country underwent dramatic changes in various aspects. The changes that went to the core of Afghan society and spread different ideas in the governance system and the public sphere. This research has analyzed the issue of the political culture of this country's society due to the necessity of analyzing the consequences of the re-domination of the Taliban on Afghanistan. The main question of the research is based on what effects the re-establishment of the Taliban has left on the political culture of the Afghan society.To answer this question, Almond and Verba's political culture theory was used and components such as political violence and authoritarianism, xenophobia and xenophobia, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, mistrust of the government and lack of passivity and lack of Participation and evasion were considered.According to the hypothesis of the research, all elements of the political culture of Afghan society have been weakened and regressed during the Taliban period. Also, according to the theory of Almond and Verba, the political culture of the Afghan society during the Taliban period is a combination of limited and subservient political culture, and the citizens do not expect any change from the political system, and the government does not create an opportunity for citizens' participation and freedom.

The role of clergy has always been prominent in the history of Iran and from the constitutional movement to the Islamic revolution, clergymen have played a major role in Iran's political and social developments. Discourse developments in the field of clergy political thought in the constitutional movement until the victory of the Islamic Revolution is a turning point in the history of Iran which led to profound changes in various political, social, economic and cultural fields of Iran. These two important events in the history of Iran are actually a reflection of the social and political developments of these two periods of time. The purpose of this research is to answer the question: how has the political discourse and thought of the clergy evolved during the periods of the constitutional movement, Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic revolution? The hypothesis of this research is that the political thought of clergy in Iran has experienced important changes during the constitutional, Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods. In the constitutional, Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods, the clergy gradually reached an active and leading role in the field of politics and society from its traditional role as the protector of religion. The research method of this article is qualitative (causal explanation). The data collection method of this research is library type using different sources along with rereading theoretical concepts about the revolution. This research seeks to describe the evolution of clergy discourse and political thought from the constitutional movement to the Islamic revolution.

The following article tries to answer the question of how Iranian diplomacy was during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. The result of which was as follows; The Qajar and Pahlavi kings considered diplomacy as a tool for the continuity of their rule over the society, because; By studying the provisions of the agreements and concessions during the Qajar era and the provisions of the contracts during the Pahlavi era, we can understand this important matter. Therefore, it was with this approach that the Qajars, with more than a century, and the Pahlavis, with more than half a century, were able to continue and continue their political life in the international community of that day despite all the oppression and disaster. Therefore, the continuity and long life of Qajars and Pahlavis in political power should be sought in their diplomacy in international relations, not in their autocratic power. Diplomacy in which the interests of foreigners were designed, not the interests of the Iranian people and society. But despite these issues and challenges, at the height of the Qajar and Pahlavi powerlessness, elites were at the head of diplomacy who were able to establish the interests of their society with realistic and scientific diplomacy, which should be pointed out to Qaim Maqam, Amir Kabir, Qavam and Mossadegh. ; Because a. Al-Ruznah al-Rum writes to Mirzai Ashtiani as the deputy in the peace talks; Include ambiguous words with the power of Mirzai and the power of composition, so that the way of speech is open for us. b. Amir Kabir knew in the Al-Ruznah al-Rum treaty where he should take action and where he should be short, so that things are done. In the Pahlavi period, A. Consistency with the diplomacy of oil against land, practically freed Iran from disintegration and provided the ground for Russians to leave Iran. b. With negative balance diplomacy, Mossadegh was able to nationalize Iran's oil industry and provide the basis for an oil-free economy in the domestic arena. It was like this that despite the autocratic political system of Qajar and Pahlavi, its government elites, with their realistic and scientific diplomacy, preserved the image of Iran in the international community of that day.