نشریه پژوهش های جغرافیای سیاسی
سال هشتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 31، پاییز 1402)

There have been many changes in geographical names throughout history. After the formation of the modern nation-state in the Middle East and then the spread of nationalism in the region, geographical names played a significant role in their national identity. This method of naming also holds true for the name of the Persian Gulf. The name of the Persian Gulf has been used as the most common name in history. In this respect, despite a great deal of research on the name of the Persian Gulf, there has been little research linked to the Persian Gulf entry in Ottoman and Turkish lexicons and encyclopedias.
This paper focuses on the entries of the Persian Gulf in early modern Turkey and the Ottoman lexicon and encyclopedia, which were written before the establishing of modern nation-states in the Middle East. This research is new to his field, as no research was found regarding the Persian Gulf entry in the Turkish and Ottoman lexicons and encyclopedias. In this research, by adopting a descriptive-analytic method, the associated entries in the seven Turkish and Ottoman sources were translated and analyzed.
The results of this study show that the entries of the Persian Gulf hold a special place in modern Turkish and Ottoman sources. When it comes to the Persian Gulf, they used Baṣra Körfezi, Baḥr-i Fârs, and ʿAcem. These names are equal to one another, and there is no preference for their use. Furthermore, it was only used in the Ottoman era. However, the Persian Gulf has always been used both before and during this period, and also in the post-Ottoman period.

Taiwan is one of the countries whose political and legal independence is not recognized by the United Nations, and the main reason is China's opposition to this country as an independent political entity in the international arena and institutions such as the United Nations. China considers Taiwan an island owned by a rebellious government within the last seven decades and, like Hong Kong and Macau, it must return to the territory of the great Chinese nation and people, but the United States rejects this view and it has always supported Taiwan and has paved the way for the formation of a geopolitical challenge between the two countries and even the countries of the Pacific region. The purpose of this study is to examine the economic success of Taiwan as the fifth largest economy in Asia and its geopolitical challenge with China and US intervention through cooperation with Taiwan in military, political and economic dimensions in order to achieve its national interests in these dimensions, to use it as a tool against China, to contain and engage China, and to slow down economic and military development, as well as to enable its presence in the Pacific.  A descriptive –analytic research method was used. The data were collected through library research including national and international resources. The findings of this study show that China will not relinquish its rights over Taiwan under any circumstances and will enhance pressure on Taiwan by increasing its military, economic, technological and political power in the national and international arenas to fulfill its aim which is adding Tiwan to China even if through war with  with Taiwan and the United States, By mastering the Pacific logic, the United States will use all its efforts and capacity to prevent Taiwan's accession to China, both domestically and internationally, to control and monitor China. The United States, on the other hand, is committed to defending Taiwan and is willing to pay any price, even a war with China.

The convergence of ethnic-religious groups is a different issue in the field of strengthening relations between countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are two countries that have a significant population of Shiites in the world. In Iran, Shiites have succeeded in building a system, and in Iraq, since 2003, they have played an important role in the structure of the Iraqi system. Since Shiites and Shiite ideology play an influential role in the two political systems, understanding the factors of convergence and divergence is an issue worthy of attention in the relations between the two societies. Using descriptive and analytical methods, using Delphi and AHP methods while using library data and field findings, this article seeks to answer the question of what factors cause the convergence and divergence of Shiites in Iran and Iraq. The findings show that the common culture based on Shiite beliefs, including the issue of honoring the Supremes, in addition to major political interests, such as the importance of maintaining the power of Shiite parties and currents in the political and economic structure of Iraq, such as trade, the reconstruction of Iraq, and crystallized security in dealing with the common threats of factors They are considered to be the main convergence of the Shiites of Iran and Iraq. In contrast, factors such as the internal equations of the two countries, including the internal rivalries of the Shiite parties in Iraq and the existence of Western and Eastern trends in Iran, as well as the influence of foreign actors, are considered the main factors of the divergence of the Shiites of Iran and Iraq. Although in the current situation, the weight of convergent factors is more than divergent factors, this superiority is fragile and can lead to divergence.

The Islamic Republic of Iran's discourse in foreign policy and in relation to the North African region has experienced different trends in the periods of sacred defense, construction, reforms, kindness, planning and hope, according to the prevailing conditions in the country. Iran has always tried to adopt appropriate policies towards North Africa and the countries of this region, especially Libya. The North African region, due to its rich energy resources and geopolitical and geostrategic position, has always witnessed the open and hidden interference of regional and extra-regional powers throughout history, on the other hand, Iran is also a regional power that has common ideological grounds. With the countries of the North African region, it is trying to play a role as an active activist in this region. The present study tries to explain the position of North Africa in the geopolitical discourses of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using the discourse analysis approach to explain the geopolitical discourses of the mentioned periods by using the discourse analysis method, which is a descriptive and analytical method, and how the geopolitical discourses of different eras are formed using conceptual models, and then suggests a foreign policy that is compatible with the geopolitical discourse in order to achieve maximum national interests for Iran's future relations with Libya.

The concept of the fragility of the state is one of the key words in the political sciences that were considered in the post-World War II period, and especially after the end of the Cold War. The Central Asia has also been one of the geographic regions that has sparked many views and analyzes on the states in the region and their fragility. But it should be noted that the paths that lead to the fragility of governments are not the same, and it is possible to draw different patterns from the ways leading to the fragility of the state. According to this the main research question are, what is the state of fragility in the Central Asia? What are the characteristics of paths that lead to the fragility of the Central Asiaern states? Considering the exploratory nature of the main research question, no hypotheses have been presented and interpreted for the results. To answer the questions, with the benefit of fuzzy logic, the top paths that are created by the combination of several factors are examined. The survey also shows that 10 governments in the Central Asia are fragile states and can identify four causal paths among them. Also, among the factors involved in these causal paths, the government's lack of legitimacy and the existence of conflicting groups can be identified as an unnecessary imperative for the fragile states of the Central Asia.

Smuggling of goods is one of the important crimes that most countries deal with in different ways. It is an ominous phenomenon that causes irreparable effects and damages in various dimensions economic, social, security, etc… on the body of the society. The basic prerequisite for combating smuggling, is to identify the factors that lead to its formation. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating and identifying the causes and factors related to the tendency and expansion of smuggling in Hormozgan province.

The statistical population includes smugglers with a history of goods smuggling in Hormozgan province, who were selected as a sample by a total number of 200 people using a targeted and available sampling method. This research was done by survey method and using questionnaire technique. After collecting the questionnaires, the data was analyzed by SPSS statistical software. To check the research hypotheses were used of Regression tests and analysis of variance. First, the tables related to the hypothesis test were calculated, and then the prediction equation related to the relationship between the independent variables affecting the expansion and tendency to smuggling goods was calculated.

The results of the research showed that the variables of age, education, socio-cultural, economic, political, structural, executive-managerial and geographical factors have a significant relationship with the expansion and tendency of smuggling goods. Among the influential factors, economic factors have the highest impact and political factors have the least impact on the spread of goods smuggling. The step-by-step regression analysis showed that structural, political, economic, socio-cultural, geographic and executive-management variables explain 1.000% of the changes in the variance of expansion and tendency to smuggling.