نشریه تعاملات دیپلماتیک
پیاپی 3 (پاییز 1402)

The economic diplomacy of China in the Middle East in general, and Syria in particular has entered a new stage. Proposing a new type of international relations and a society with a shared future for mankind, China is strengthening energy and infrastructure cooperation with Syria and expanding cooperation in finance, post-war reconstruction, the sanitation and health industry. Technological innovation and green development have become new motivations for improving cooperation, and a pattern of multi-level and multi-faceted cooperation between China and Syria has been formed.
 This research was conducted with the aim of China's economic diplomacy in post-ISIS Syria and with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on the results which obtained from the research, China adjusts its economic diplomacy in the Middle East in the new era by considering multi-dimensional factors: First, to respond to the new demands of both sides for economic development, looking for solutions to accelerate the growth of the model Economic cooperation with Syria and increasing high-level cooperation and promoting a peaceful and stable regional environment and strengthening diplomatic support. The results of the research show that Beijing's economic diplomacy, despite adhering to the principle of non-intervention, has more flexible and pragmatic approach. China's economic diplomacy is basically in such a way that it uses its diplomatic resources to intervene to protect its investments and assets when is necessary, and uses economic incentives to advance its defined foreign policy goals at critical points and in specific circumstances.

One of the dimensions of the relative decline of the United States is evaluated in the emergence light of new economic powers as serious competitors of this country in the present era. The economic hegemony of the United States, after years of crisis in the international political economy, has been seriously challenged by emerging economies in recent years, and this has greatly affected America's ability to influence international affairs. In the meantime, China, as the most populous country in the world, has become a serious competitor for the position of the United States in the world power hierarchy, due to its huge political and economic capacities and recently its growing military capacity. Therefore, the question which is raised is as mentioned below;
 what are the strategic consequences of the rise of China for the hegemony of the United States? The research hypothesizes that China's growth in relative power on the one hand has led to an increase in its willingness to play an extensive role in the international system, and on the other hand, due to the decline of America's relative and its reluctance to cede part of its extensive role, it has provided serious challenges for the hegemonic leadership of this country in the international arena. Using the analytical descriptive method and within the framework of the power cycle theory, this article examines the effects and consequences of the rise of China on the hegemony of the United States and the international system and discusses the different challenges between the two countries in different areas and their prospects.

After the American withdrawal from the Comprehensive Joint Action Program (BJAM) and the non-fulfillment of the West's commitments, our statesmen adopted a new step-back strategy before the West agreed, in the case the West failed to fulfill its obligations. Against this backdrop, the United States and three European countries have threatened to take action against Iran's policy. The question that arises in public opinion is "What will be the end of this confrontation?" Possible options must be considered to answer this question. Iran's favorable choices, and America's and Europe's, especially the ones most likely to be. Although it is believed that the US and the West are eager to reinstate sanctions and new resolutions, this will not be the case if our country adopts clever measures and will be at a low level of efficiency. What is most sought after by the West and the United States is the diminishing fear of Iran's commitment to domestic and global public opinion, thus forcing Iran to stop in this new direction. In this study, the main question was asked which state is the best option for the Islamic Republic of Iran to continue its presence in BJAM using game theory? Based on the evidence, evidence, and findings of this study, we concluded that the continued presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in BJAM is a dynamic game with complete and complete information. In this research, the game number tree of Iran's options was outlined and examined, and then, the answer and solve the game using the payback method, the result of which came to the option of taking decisive steps for reducing the obligations of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Theorizing the root of the alliance's concept and balancing is considered one of the most important topics in the science of international relations. The most prominent of these theories is presented in the framework of mainstream logic in international relations (rationalism). In other words, the unity and balancing concept is considered to be one of the main key concepts of the realist rationalist trend in international relations, which is theorized with an approach that looks at components such as power, threat, and benefit, and in the framework of an external, objective, material, structural, etc. view. On the other hand, the Middle East is one of the most important regions in the world, which has witnessed numerous alliances between regional and extra-regional powers in the years after 2011. Therefore, in this research, we have tried to look at the roots of alliances in the Middle East after the Arab uprisings. The question is: What components and variables affect alliances and balances in the Middle East? By using the analytical-explanatory method and with a case study of the roots of alliances in the balancing efforts of Syria, Iraq, the axis of resistance, and Yemen after 2011, the authors have found that "Alliances in the Middle East despite being influenced by structural, rational, objective, power-oriented and material elements which the mainstream of international relations validates in examining the roots of alliances and balances; It is also influenced by mental, normative, identity, cultural and emotional developmental variables. Therefore, it seems that the mainstream of international relations does not have the necessary sufficiency to analyze the root of alliances in the Middle East. The strong presence of immaterial and formative elements such as culture, emotion, and identity at the alliance's root in the Middle East shows that only paying attention to the structural, objective, and material components at the alliance's root in the Middle East is not enough and it seems necessary to review and reinterpret the theorization of alliances in international relations.

Success in the rapid advancement of development along with economic pragmatism has caused India to become one of the most dynamic countries in the world economy and secondly to be considered as an emerging center of wealth and power in the world. On the one hand, the economic development requirement of this country and extensive transformations in the international system have imposed a new direction on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and towards Israel and Iran. In this article, we focus on the reasons for changing India's Middle East policy from a policy that was defined in the light of the principle of non-alignment in the Cold War era to a policy that was redefined based on the new needs of India's national interests. Therefore, according to the above premises, the main question of the article is raised as follows: What changes have been made in India's foreign policy towards Israel and Iran, considering the options facing India? The hypothesis of the article, using the theory of balance of interests, is that the foreign policy of India in the Middle East has changed from an ideological and third-world policy based on the principles of non-commitment to a policy of multiple and multilateral commitments based on the necessity of access to oil and energy resources. And gas, markets, and military weapons.  This article is written based on the descriptive-analytical method and uses virtual sources, specialized publications, and in terms of the subject area of this article, it examines India's policy towards the countries of Iran and Israel until 2023

The Middle East has long been the scene of competition between regional and transnational powers and has always attracted the attention of many international actors. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the most important regional actors, has a major role in influencing regional balance and shaping the economic, political, and security structures of the new Middle East. Thus new regional developments such as the Arab revolutions of the Arab Spring, the crisis in Iraq and Syria, ISIL terrorism, the redefinition of the role of other regional and transnational actors, and the increasing pressure on Iran by Donald Trump's arrival in the States The United States and its changing attitude towards Iran require that the Islamic Republic of Iran review and reconstruct the strategic requirements of its regional foreign policy in line with the foreign policy of other influential regional and transnational actors, especially the United States of America. To put in place an effective strategy to take full advantage of leading opportunities and minimize potential threats and challenges. The present article seeks to answer the question "What are the effective strategic requirements for enhancing the political and regional role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional developments?" The research hypothesis is that the new strategy is based on expanding regional cooperation. sustainable regional security based on a cooperative security approach, confidence building, de-sensitization, and the use of strategic rationality in balancing power, with emphasis on the three regional powers (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) and most importantly strengthening the democratic system Religion based on social capital can be very effective. The purpose of this study is to examine the new strategy due to the role of the Islamic Republic in the development of the region and how to use it in a neutral policy. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done using library and internet tools based on objective data.