نشریه پژوهش سیاست نظری
پیاپی 4 (بهار و تابستان 1386)

The subject of “alienation” is one of the key and major issues in Shariati’s thoughts. As a matter of fact he analyzes and explains contemporary human’s concerns and issues through this concept. According to Shariati, in “self-alienation”, man feels as if “another individual” is “himself” and loses self-consciousness and suffers from a kind of “fraud self-consciousness”.Self-alienation is in other words like losing the “true and essential self”, in addition to the “social self.” Shariati believes that whatever distances mankind from his humanistic features- which possess a certain definition for him- is a factor for alienation. Based on Shariati’s thoughts, instrumental intellectuality, bureaucracy and machinery have altogether alienated man from own true self in the twentieth century; whereas he criticizes these issues from this point of view. Still he does not regard these as the problem; yet he believes we suffer from lack of machinery and if we complain from lack of it, it becomes obvious that we are feeling other pains and suffering from them. He claims that humankind is the essence of history and his cultural environment, and as long as they possess their own individual culture, religion and pains, they enjoy their own “true self”. But cultural imperialism has alienated men from themselves by distorting history, culture and also the religion of the third world countries; and therefore they suffer from“fraud self-consciousness”. He assumes that the solution is not offering a mass and general solution, but before anything else, we must return back to our own true “selves” and let go of “self-alienation” and free ourselves of it.

Post-Freud psychoanalysis, as manifested in Lacan’s teachings, has had a deep influence on the contemporary theoretical criticism, feminism, film theories, post-structuralism, and Marxism. As a matter of fact this branch of psychoanalysis is a post-modern separation from Sigmund Freud’s teachings. This theory is also to some extent based on the structural and linguistic humanistic discoveries. One of Lacan’s most fundamental beliefs, as the most prominent figure of this school, is that the unconscious has a concealed and hidden structure; quite similar to the structure of language. The recognition of the world, others and self is determined through language. An individual’s precondition for gaining knowledge about himself- as a distinct entity- is language. Lacan also offers a three-angled pattern of the social-psychological world; including the imaginative aspect, the symbolic aspect and the real aspect; which has a vast and serious influence on the domain of the new political realm; post-modernism, post-structuralism, post-Marxism, and feminism.

One of the major and most important issues of survey and study within Aziz Nasafi’s ideas is the study of his political approach in his mystical thoughts. This essay discusses Sheikh Aziz Nasafi’s thoughts and opinions (probably born in 596 A.H.); one of the seventh century mystics and philosophers; who had an undeniable effect on Iran’s philosophical thought; especially in the relationship between philosophy and mysticism. This paper trys to reveal how Aziz Nasafi’s thoughts led to the foundation and establishment of a political thought on the basis of mystical thought in Iran. It seems that this movement became persistent in Iran and finally turned into the dominant flow. Nasafi’s political thought can be observed as a political-mystical thoughts. Therefore the present article surveys the influential aspects and dimensions of the Iranian political thought evolving from Nasafi’s mystical thought.

The purpose of this article is the comparative survey of three contrastive theoreticians- Hegel, Marx, and Gramsci- on state, civil society and their relationships. Hegel assumed the civil society as a combination of three systems; the economical, legal and cohesive (police and their related classes) which stand between the family and the state; which ultimately substitutes the state. Marx considers the civil society as the domain of work and everyday life, which is a totally economical and apolitical domain. Unlike Hegel and Marx, Gramci observes the civil society as a cultural sphere.The result of this theoretical comparative analysis shows that although these three contrasting theorists of philosophical principles assume a similar and common society as the base of their analysis, their conclusions on the society’s pattern structure differs with each other. Hegel substituted the three-dimensioned pattern of “family-civil society-state” with Aristotle’s classic two-dimensioned pattern of “family-city state”.Also Marx’s substructure pattern (on civil society) and superstructure (state) changed for Gramsci to the substructure (economic) and superstructure (civil society = nongovernmental organs + state). Gramci’s state is a combinative state compiled of the satisfaction of “mastery + power” and therefore it is both the substructure and the superstructure.

If the major approaches of religion and social act are divided to two principal branches with tendencies for tradition and religion, then Ramazan Albouti can be counted as a known Sunni scholar in the realm of religion and the criticism of conventionality. The present article discusses the basic principles of Albouti’s theoretical and pragmatic ideas by referring to his written texts and sources; which all emphasis on the spirituality and religious beliefs in man’s social life. Issues discussed and mentioned include; seeking justice, denial of secularism, new religious tendencies, and referring back to the original Islam as the theoretical principle. Also conservatism, having an attitude based on power, reformation, and pragmatism- as the basic practical principles- is the other topics discussed by Ramazan Albouti.

This article intends to express the origin of the Iranian Youth Movement during 1981-2001. During these three decades, the Youth Movement has been one of the most significant social movements in the political realm of Iran. For elaborating the source of this movement, “generation gap” and “democracy” have been surveyed as the two factors; while the results show that the origin of the Youth Movement in Iran has been the opposition of democracy and authoritarianism; and not generation gap. This article has used the results of some formal research inquiries in addition to the official statistics as well.

The persistent and increasing concerns about the perseverance and raise of possibility of peaceful and fair coexistence in the infra-national, national and trans-national have all highlighted the significance of dialogue to a high extent. That is why the factors and fields influencing dialogue have become the topic of many researches and discussions. One of these factors is the communication-informative technologies which affects the differing aspects of social life more than ever. The topic of this article is the impact of communicative-informative technologies on the cross-cultural dialogues within the general electronic sphere. In this framework it will become clear that although the possibility and potential of communication and transaction about information increases the potential for dialogue, it also causes its own certain limitations and distortions too. The mentioned limitation is basically the result of the uneven division of related possibilities regarding this kind of technology, while the particular circumstance of the general electronic domain distorts the cross-cultural dialogues.