نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال ششم شماره 3 (پیاپی 23، زمستان 1388)

The path toward integration of minorities has never been easy. Perhaps the single most important step is to enact a form of legislation that allows the members of a minority group to enjoy equal political, economic, and cultural rights. This, however, may not necessarily mean absolute autonomy, which is likely to pose a threat to the host country’s national cohesion and stability. Both the political regime and the minority groups should initiate necessary steps to pave the way toward eventual integration—-if not assimilation. Ultimately, however, their integration should be pursued not just for its own sake, but as a fundamental means toward achieving social justice and equal rights for all the members of the society irrespective of ethnic, religious, cultural, social, or political status.

In the last few years the Western world has generally experienced a drastic restraint in the national policies concerning asylum and refugee law, mainly due to the huge recrudescence of international terrorism. This dreadful phenomenon has had its peaks in the September 11, 2001 brutal assaults against United States and in the vicious attacks perpetrated in Bali, Madrid, Beslan, London, Sharm el Sheikh, the Russian city of Nalchik and New Delhi, respectively on October 12, 2002, March 11, 2004, September 1, 2004, July 7, 2005, July 23, 2005, October 13, 2005 and October 29, 2005. Since September 11, 2001, international terrorism has caused more than 4,300 casualties among innocent people. As a result of these events, most countries constituting the potential target of terrorists have significantly restricted opportunities of access of foreigners into their territories – including refugees and asylum seekers – due to fear that under the mask of persons invoking protection activists of terrorist groups are disguised, ready to bring death and destruction in the country. This article analysis the impact of anti terrorism policies in the way of contracting of human rights law.

The global war on terrorism as currently waged is a strategic error. Its stated goals are unrealistic and condemn the United States to a hopeless quest for absolute security. Its strategies are politically, fiscally, and militarily very difficult to sustain and its methods lacks moral justification and contravenes international laws. Containment policy worked with the Soviets for several decades. The Soviet experience holds important lessons for current U.S. foreign policy. 1967 is attestation that first strikes quickly and irrevocably remove diplomatic options off the table. An over-reliance on preemption can lead to the downplaying of diplomacy. Today, the doctrine of preemption has fallen on hard times. Far from demonstrating the principle's effectiveness, the Iraq war and its aftermath have ultimately underscored its limits. Preemptive war is not and cannot be just.

Iranian-American relations have been beset by mistrust and occasional outbreaks of vitriol and violence for the past three decades now. In this article I attempt to map, theoretically and empirically, the “discursive field” in which relations between Iran and the United States reveal themselves. I am interested in representations of Iran and the United States, and how the fundamental friend-enemy distinction setting the two countries politically apart has come about. I take as a starting point, with critical theorists of international relations, that discourse has a real and present impact on policy and that a lot that is happening in world politics can be adequately contextualized with an appreciation of the linkages between “utterance” and “action”.

The most important question in this article is what is the obstacles in iran that causes iran could not attract foreign direct investment? The basic hypothesis in this research is that legal, economic & political obstacles and compose with each other cause that iran could not attract foreign direct investment. legal, economic & political obstacles and compose with each other consider as independent variable and unsuccesfull in attracting of foreign direct investment consider as dependent variable. The time range of this research is from triumph of Islamic reveloution of iran to now. The methodology is based on examination of statistics, documents & viewpoint of researchers. Information is provided at first with use of library resources and secondly between valid documents of responsible organization and centers. It should be notified that because of relation between writer's job and topic of article, try that finding of research founded on applied experiments. Finding of research shows that unsuccesfull in attracting of foreign direct investment is concluded from legal, economic & political obstacles and compose with each other. So at present we can not rely only one of these obstacles as most important factor. In this research obstacles of foreign direct investment is recognized and afterwards for every it's soloution is suggested.

Peace and human rights are inter-related with mutual impacts and implications. These two concepts are enjoying similarities, but never can be regarded as sub group for each other. In this paper, we argue that in the current international system of nation-states, respecting human rights do not necessarily lead to peace. Each of them is an independent concept, and somehow any of them, can be imagined is in front of another. For instance, with increasing acts of violation of human rights, we can see how peace and security will be endangered. On the other hand, the lack of peace and security will endanger human rights in different levels.We conclude that peace and human rights to be perceived as acceptable and ideal values, and, we never can claim priority for any of them. We discuss here their inter-relations, impacts and implications, such as how the peace can be regarded as a pre-condition for achieving human rights. In other words, respecting human rights lead to peace, and achieving peace contribute to upgrading human rights. So, we can ask: does peace pave the way for enjoying human rights, or can we expect human rights without peace and security? In historical background, we can witness such a relation between these two, but in important international law documents, we can not see that respecting human rights can achieve peace and security.

The duties of the occupying power are spelled out in the 1907 Hague Regulations and the Forth Geneva Convention 1949. According to these international treaties the occupation is only a temporary situation, and the rights of the occupant are limited to the extent of that period. The present article is reviewing the duties of the occupying power to protect the properties situated in the occupied territory. The situation of the Palestinian occupied territories and the legal obligations of Israel as the occupying power to protect the properties in these territories are discussed in this article.