نشریه جستارهای تاریخی
سال پنجم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1393)

Heidar Khan Amu Oghly''s entrance to Guilan and his alliance with the figures involved in the Jungle Movement، as well as the formation of the new revolutionary committee were intended to put an end to the existing conflicts and to establish a united front to fight despotism and colonialism. However، different ideologies and views on the part of each member of the revolutionary committee towards the goals of the movement and fighting methods led to further conflicts more than before. Efforts by the Soviet Union، the United Kingdom and the central government of Iran to put an end to the Jungle Movement and the poor culture of dialogue and negotiation with the opposition among the forces of the Jungle Movement added fuel to the fire of conflicts within the movement. The Molla Sara incident and the arrest and killing of Heidar Khan Amu Oghly were cases in point. Using descriptive - historical method، the present article explains Heidar Khan Amu Oghly''s role in the Jungle Movement and his way of interaction with the Soviet Union and other forces involved in the Jungle movement

The question of how Shirazi historians (from the fall of the Ilkhanid Government to the end of Timurids) have reflected important characteristics of religious-political thought، namely religious thinking (Focus on the originality of the idea of the Caliphate) and the idea of a homeland (Iran-oriented) based on historiographical texts account for the main axis of the present paper. Appropriate research methods in relation to the issue are explanatory analysis in historical statements of historical sources. The final outcome of the assessment may be based on the following: 1) Shiraz historians concentrated on highlighting some historical، political and religious concepts such as «Axis of Justice»، «oppression of the rulers» and «territorial integrity»، so that in light of written resources، they could reproduce Iran''s territorial unity against threat strokes، while maintaining cultural life. 2) These historians began to replace «approach the throne» instead of «Caliphate Away» in the position of vacuum that was created by the collapse of the centrality of Islam (Baghdad). As a result، they centralized on these goals by emphasizing religion as the basis and historical factor of social unity in their sources. 3) As a result of the prevalence of the Iranian-Islamic hybrid approach، these historians mainly focused on the history of «Kings and Prophets». On this basis، they began to legitimize local authorities، because their presence was essential to eliminate. They did this despite the non-Iranian roots of the rulers، because centralized government was better than chaos، insecurity، and injustice. 4) At this juncture in history، Shirazi historians highly stressed the unity in the meanings of such words as «sultan»، the «Imam» and «Khalifah». They further reflected these concepts in their works. Due to the cultural geography of Shiraz، its importance was like a base for cultural resistance of the Iranian identity against the culture of invading peoples. Based on historical requirements of their own time، these historians set on focusing on the reproduction of the political system as a component of traditional Iranian identity and as a basis to eliminate dangers

Zahiraddin Nishabouri، author of Seljuqnameh، and Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Suleiman Ravandi author of Rahat al-Sudur wa Awat al-Surur، are two Persian historians، belonging to the Seljuk period. There can be seen some similarities and differences between their books. The present study aims to study the historical perspective and historiography of the two historians using comparative and analytical methods. It also aims to obtain similarities and differences between these two historians. The results show that Ravandi got the bulk of his book from the Seljuqnameh، but the difference in historical perspective of the two historians and their different goals appeared in their historiography.

“The political issue” is one of the concepts of politics whose theoretical understanding and implication have specific scientific and technical subtlety. «The political issue» is behavior and action in public sphere with attention to collective interests that result from the interaction or conflict approach in the scope of «political power». In the realm of politics and political history with attention to the definition of «the political issue»، the question is how political issues can be observed and identified in historical resources. Political power (definition، structure، type، purpose، custodians and their supporters) and people''s action (their type of confrontation with power) are subjects of this area. On the basis of the definition of «the political issue»، the hypothesis of this research is that «with the study of type of people''s action and its view on the political sphere and hidden layers of the structure of power and kind of state in historical resources، one can produce the subjects and concepts of» the political issue«in this area. The political issue is the core concept of this text as the conceptual framework that has been discussed. The conceptual and subject framework is related to the government، advocates of power and the purpose and type of government and the public perception of political issues

Royal ribbons، as one of the important symbolic elements to determine the status and position of the kings and courtiers، had a special place in the art during Iranian royal eras. This article is trying to explain the process of this revolution by researching these royal ribbons from the Medes era to the end of the Sassanid era. To achieve this goal، the patterns with ribbons from Medes to the Sassanid were studied، in which a logical and evolutionary process was observed. Initially، these ribbons were part of Medes'' hats and a symbol for courtiers. In Parthians era، they found an independent identity and became a symbol for kingdom. Royal ribbons found their places in the Sassanid era through Persian rulers and found a high magnificence and glory، because the art of Sassanid kingdom needed such a symbol for majesty. This claim is visible in researching the position of elements، objects and people، represented in the art of Sassanids with ribbon، is observable

With the death of Abu-Sa’id Gurkany, Sultan Hussain Bayqara after 12 years of struggling, on 10 Ramadan 873AH, captured Herat. This was while the survivors of Abu-Sa’id were not willing to defend Khorasan and there was the risk of attack by Uzun Hassan at any time. He could get control over Herat with only a small number of his forces who were not able to guarantee the survival of his governance by themselves. In these circumstances, one of the first measures he took in Herat was that he decided to change the sermon to Ithna ‘Ashari Imams, the decision that was met with opposition and was later put aside. Later his contemporary sources sought to omit his role in this adventure, and attributed it to a group of willful people and opportunists. The aim of this research is to indicate that not only did the Sultan have a key role in the adventure, but also his Shiite companions didn’t enjoy such an influence and power to do anything other than accompanying him. The main purpose of this action, regardless of the role of personal conviction, was to use Shiite elements in popular religious beliefs of Khorasan's Sunni ordinary people (Twelver Sunnism) along with Shiite forces in Khorasan and Astarabad in order to obtain legitimacy, social support, and stabilization of power

The ministerial term of Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk Toosi and Sultan Malik-shah can be regarded as the golden age of the Seljuk Dynasty. However، the ruling system suffered an inherent deficiency، the rivalry between two bureaucratic groups affiliated with Khurasan and Iraq. To the end of his life، Nizam al-Mulk gave up power to his Iraqi dissidents leading to the elimination of his Khurasani advocates from power system. Nevertheless، the time-honored contest was resumed soon after Malik-shah''s death and the battle over his succession. During the kingdom of Barkiyaruq both groups continued their effort to seize power wherein Majd al-Mulk Qumi played a significant role as a pro-Iraqi bureaucrat. The current study is intended to explore the root causes of Iraqi-Khurasani rivalry during Majd al-Mulk''s administration. The findings of the study، which involved descriptive analysis of library resources، cast some doubt on assuming religious strife as the cause of rivalry، with power-seeking factor instead of playing the main role there.