normalization of relations

The tensions between the Arabs and the Israeli regime, which has been one of the most important issues in the field of international relations, has turned into cooperation between the parties since 2015. Iran, which considers the regime of Israel and some Arab countries as its enemy, in order to increase its influence and security in the West Asian region, has created an axis of resistance with the aim of deterring and creating security. Saudi Arabia and Israel consider Iran as a common threat. And they are trying to deal with it in the form of Iran-phobia, supporting terrorist groups, creating a challenge for Iran's regional allies, Shia-phobia, persuading America to withdraw from the JCPOA and normalize relations.Considering the special position of the two countries in the regional arena, the analysis of the future relations between the two countries has an undeniable necessity. The qualitative research method and the main problem of the descriptive-analytical approach will be investigated. The main question is that Tehran-Riyadh relations have a direct impact on the normalization of Arabs and Israel.The improvement of relations between Tehran and Riyadh has a direct effect on the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and the Israeli regime, which is proposed as a hypothesis. The results of the research show that confronting Iran's political-security influence in the region, forming a joint defense organization in the region, Shia-phobia, supporting extremist groups and influencing the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA are among the consequences of the normalization of Saudi relations. It is with the Israeli regime that they will be seriously challenged by the improvement of the relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

The theorists of political studies and international relations believe that countries that are close to each other often have areas of overlapping political relations, and as a result, their foreign policy is strongly influenced by their neighbors. China considers the connection and normalization of relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the Zionist regime as a contradiction in its foreign policy and international interests. The current research is of applied type and descriptive-analytical method, with the aim of influencing the peace plan of Ibrahim on the relationship of China's international interests on the Persian Gulf region and West Asia as the most strategic region in the Islamic world. The question is, what effect has the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel had on China's international interests in the Persian Gulf? It seems that the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel due to the closeness of this regime to the United States will face major challenges to China's interests in the Persian Gulf. The findings of the research show that, for the implementation of the cooperative security model in the Persian Gulf, preliminary solutions can include the following: regular periodic security talks at high and medium levels, building trust through agreements in the field of notifying military exercises, exchange of observers, exchange information and finally reaching agreements in the field of preventing accidents at sea and along the common borders, navigation in waterways and air, ensuring the security of shipping in the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz and active cooperation in preserving the environment of the region. 

The defeat in the 33 and 22 day wars against Hezbollah and Hamas institutionalized this definite understanding in the minds of the Israeli authorities That due to the different definition of the concept of threat and the culture of martyrdom, a mere military confrontation with the axis of resistance will result in nothing but defeat for this regime. Therefore, the question addressed in this article is what is Israel's strategy to strengthen its deterrence strategy in facing the axis of resistance and Iran? In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article in the framework of the theory of complex deterrence is that Israel's fear of falling into the trap of deterrence in direct confrontation with the axis of resistance in the West Asian region has caused Israel with the aim of delegitimizing the ideals of the axis of resistance, to adopt a strategy take alliance with Iran's neighbors.

Western Asia is a crucial and conflict-ridden region in the world. A major conflict has been between Arabs and the Israeli regime, but Saudi Arabia- Israel relations have been normalizing since 2015. Iran, a state that holds Israel and some Arab countries as enemies, founded the “Axis of Resistance” to expand its influence and security in the region. However, the normalization of relations seems to have jeopardized the Axis of Resistance, which this study aimed to analyze. Accordingly, the study's main question was as follows: What threats does the normalization of Saudi-Israeli relations pose against the Axis of Resistance, affecting the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The significance of this descriptive-analytical study was in the fact that any developing threats against the Axis of Resistance expanding around the Islamic Republic can impact Iran’s national security. The results revealed that normalization of relations has led to threats against the Axis of Resistance, including supporting domestic, separatist, and opposition forces of the Islamic Republic in Iran and supporting regional and international anti-Axis of Resistance forces throughout the axis members, i.e., Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq.

The Palestinian issue is one of the most complex issues in the Middle East that has loomed large since 1948. During several wars with the Arabs, the Israeli regime seized control of Palestinian regions and occupied their lands. Thanks to its union with the USA, Israel considered its security guaranteed, however, since 2015, a trend known as "Normalization of Relations" has emerged, which has had some success, but both Arabs, particularly Saudi Arabia's allies, and Israel have faced security challenges due to the United States' increasing competition with China, which is one of the reasons for the United States' gradual withdrawal from the region, and the increased influence of Iran there. The main question that arises is "what role, significance, and position the Palestinian issue plays in the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations?" This study used an analytical-descriptive and, to some extent, historical approach to answer the question. The study's goal was to concentrate particularly on the Palestinian issue in this normalization of relations because it is one of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategic points of contention with Israel and is intertwined with its security. The study's general findings revealed that Arab allies of Saudi Arabia do not place a high value on the Palestinian cause in the normalization process; however, Saudi Arabia, which claims to be the leader of Muslims, appears to regard resolving the Palestinian issue as one of the conditions for normalizing relations with Israel. However, if Saudi Arabia's security is jeopardized more than this, it will withdraw from this term as well.

The Persian Gulf is strategically important,, which has caused supra-regional actors to be active intervening in this system throughout history, and regional order to be influenced by these actors' policies.Due to the decline of the US role in the regionthe Zionist regime has attempted to play a more effective role in the region. The GCC on the other hand, have taken steps to strengthen ties with the Zionist regime in order to assure their security in the wake of the US pullout, attempting to align their security interests with those of Western countries.The normalization and the presence of the Zionist regime in the region have resulted in changes in the security arrangements in the Persian Gulf, and the main question of this study is how the normalization of Zionist regime relations with the UAE and Bahrain has influenced the transition of security arrangements in the Persian Gulf? The study investigates the above issue using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The findings of this study indicate that, following the normalization of relations between the Zionist regime and the countries of the UAE and Bahrain, the security arrangements of the Persian Gulf have been influenced and It is in a state of transition. This transformation has taken the form of shifting friendship-enmity patterns between Iran, the GCC, and the Zionist regime, as well as shifting its polarity with the convergence of the two poles of the GCC and the Zionist regime and the divergence of Iran and the GCC.

Bahrain is a country in the south of Iran and the Persian Gulf and has an important role in regional equations. After independence from Iran in 1971, this country has always sought to improve its security and independence by resorting to regional and supra-regional powers. On the other hand, Israel seeks to achieve it by making agreements in the Persian Gulf Important and influential political achievements for the United States and especially for its powerful ally, the United States, and for him and the United States, this is a desirable goal. The present study, with a descriptive-analytical method and the use of documentary sources, seeks to answer the question: What are the consequences of the normalization of Israel-Bahrain relations on the Islamic Republic of Iran? is. The findings of the study indicate that Bahrain has expanded relations with Israel in order to gain US strategic support and to enhance its regional position and to counter the threats that lie ahead, and for Israel to improve its position. Regionally, coming out of diplomatic isolation and forming a front against the Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully analyze the intentions of Israel in normalizing relations with Bahrain to take the necessary measures and strategies in order to neutralize and even confront the hostile goals of the Zionists towards the Islamic Republic of Iran.

One of the constant challenges that Arab states have been facing during the last few decades has been the way they should deal with Israel. Some Arab states consider the Palestine issue and its occupation by the Zionist regime an issue concerning Arabs and a few regard it an Islamic issue. Yet, nearly all Arab states –both those that consider it an Arabic issue and those regarding it an Islamic issue- are of the same opinion about one thing: opposition to Israel and the illegitimacy of occupation of Palestine. Nevertheless, some Arab states' reconciliation with Israel and their decision to establish relations with this regime were considered as breaking the taboos. The peace treaty signed by Egypt and Israel in Camp David Accords was the first step for this movement; this treaty was known as the exchange of "land for legitimacy" by resistance groups. The Peace Treaty signed in the Arava Valley between Israel was the second step to normalize the relations between Arab states and Israel. The common denominator in the first wave of normalization of relations between Arabs and Israel was that all these Arab states were the occupied Palestine's northern neighbors; the implication of all the peace treaties was legitimization of Israeli rule and its stabilization. In 2020, the second wave of normalization of relations be tween Arab states and Israel began. The Abraham Accord was the beginning of this second wave of normalization which ended in the establishment of relations between Israel and the two countries of the United Arab Emirate and Bahrain. Then, Sudan and Morocco transformed their relations with Israel. The second wave of normalization had an entirely different nature from the first wave: none of the Arab states (located in the Persian Gulf region and North Africa) are Palestine's neighbors. The United States of America was the mediator in these treaties; the remarkable aspect in most of these treaties was the opposition to Iran and the axis of resistance. In light of these events, Tehran Foreign Policy Studies Quarterly held a panel titled "The Process of Normalization of Relations between Arabs and Israel: Perspectives and Consequences" with the experts in foreign policy and international relations in order to deeply study the different aspects of this policy. The experts invited to this panel were as follows: Dr. Mojtaba Amani (the former chief of the Interests Section of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Egypt), Dr. Mojtaba Ferdowsipour (Iran's former ambassador to Jordan), Dr. Mehdi Honarmandzadeh (an expert of West Asia affairs), and Yunes Kolivand (an expert of Syrian affairs).

The issue of normalization of relations with the Zionists has political, economic and sociological dimensions within the Arab communities. Although this trend has increased with regional and international pressures, what stands out most is the situation of Arab communities in response to this normalization. Perhaps this sociological situation, more than any other component, has predisposed the Arab states to develop their relations with the Zionists. Of course, this situation, influenced by the structure of civil society, the government's relationship with civil society and the masses, has highlighted the passive-subordinate political culture towards the rulers in these societies. This article seeks to answer the question: what are the reasons for the lack of proper reaction of public opinion in Arab societies to the normalization of relations between some Arab states and the Zionist regime, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library and foreign sources?

If the past to the present, the Middle East can be defined in one word, that word is "instability." Following the current challenges, the opening of relations between the two countries in the Middle East is more significant than other regional alliances: "Israel and Saudi Arabia". The main question is: to what extent Israel and Saudi Arabia have been able to succeed in balancing against Iran? it's assumed that; The factors that keep these two governments together are: concern over Iran's nuclear deal, It also reduced the presence and role of the United States in the region, Reduce the US presence and role in the region, And crises caused by extremism and the civil war in Syria. However, given the challenges of regional and trans-regional actors, the proximity of two governments is not a step towards consolidating a balanced alliance to isolate and confront Iran. Despite the commonalities and causative factors in the normalization of relations between the two countries more than before, According to Randall Schwedler's “Under balancing" theory can be said: The two countries have not been able to form a strong alliance especially against Iran as their common enemy.

Having reviewed the past and present relations between Turkey and Armenia, this paper examines normal process of normalization of Relations, and the most important factors influencing the relations between two countries as well as the political - economic consequences of these relations in geopolitically regional context. The results show improvement in Turkey’s relations with Armenia will be useful only if the national interests of other countries in the region be considered in the normalization process of relations, Since ignoring the interests of other countries in the path of normalization process of the relations lose Turkey’s interests in its relations with Azerbaijan and Georgia. Therefore, influential powers in the region believe potential consequences of improving Turkey Armenia relations result in unique complexity. Following improving Turkey Armenia relations, region may see balance of influence among interested powers