نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال نوزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 73، تابستان 1401)

Seeking asylum and migration, and their consequent effects and consequences, are among the facts and problems in the contemporary world. In this regard, "humanitarian borders" is a novel concept in the international system that monitors some attempts at alleviating the pain and suffering of migrants on borders, especially those of the European Union. In practice, these attempts have failed to secure the rights of migrants and have been overshadowed by the security interests of the EU. This paper aims to determine to what extent arranging humanitarian borders by the EU has provided migrants and refugees with their basic rights. According to the research hypothesis, humanitarian policies and actions on the EU borders, which should logically mitigate the pain and suffering of migrants and refugees, are overshadowed by political considerations rather than compliance with human right requirements. In fact, these policies and actions have become a part of the tool to justify various acts of violence on the EU borders. Using a normative-descriptive framework, this paper employs a qualitative method based on the literature on humanitarian borders to analyze the abovementioned process. It also aims to indicate that emphasizing the procedures and components of human security rather than those of national security and governmental security can provide a favorable framework for the implementation of humanitarian borders. This security concerns human life and dignity and its ultimate goal is to protect the principal foundations of human life from pervasive threats in addition to providing refugees and migrants with long-term interests.

Initially, it was believed that signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) would bring a happy ending to one of the biggest challenges between Iran and the United States. However, with Trump's inauguration and his aggressive approach towards Iran, the JCPOA has not only failed to function as a tool to end the deep conflict between the two nations, but also became a victim of Trump's stance. There are many analyses as to what caused this behavior by Trump, but it seems that an understanding of the continuing relationships or spaces of the social structure, beyond material and immaterial analysis, can more appropriately and realistically explain his approach. Thus, the main question addressed herein is, “What factors caused the performance and construction of Trump's social world concerning the JCPOA? Assuming that the JCPOA will be reinstated in the Biden era, what scenarios await if Trump returns to power?” Based on descriptive and analytical methods, this study found that the idiosyncrasies of capital, character, and symbolic violence as three dimensions of Trump's decision-making field led to resistance to and, as a result, his withdrawal from the JCPOA. Due to their stability, the exit policies resulting from these dimensions will cause Trump to adopt the same behavior if he regains power in 2024, assuming the revival of the JCPOA during the Biden era.

Marketing has expanded in the field of politics as well as business. Political marketing is the process of using tools developed for commercial marketing in political spheres. Parties and candidates have been trying to attract people's attention by using marketing techniques and present their party and representative in the elections as well as possible.In fact, political marketing is a deep link between marketing science and politics. Using the theory of political marketing and using the method of descriptive-analytical research of the type of correlation, the article seeks to answer the fundamental question of what effect did political marketing have on the selection of the winning candidate in the 2020 US election campaign? The hypothesis of the article is that the application of political marketing strategies has had a significant impact on the victory of the winning candidate in the 2020 US elections. The findings of the article show that political marketing has regular processes for assessing the wants and needs of the masses.The results of this study show the effectiveness of the use of political marketing strategies by the winning candidate in the 2020 US elections. Due to the increasing progress of this science in all parts of the world and its emergence in our country, in this article, we have tried to take a brief look at the concept of this science and its practical tools to pay more attention to its practical aspects in the 2020 US elections.

The developments of naval technologies have combined modern naval wars. Nowadays, naval warfare means the use of tactics and the conduct of military operations on, below, or above the sea. An exemplar of a tactical tool is the use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) in naval operations. Undoubtedly, the use of UAVs in naval conflict can raise a number of issues related to the law of naval warfare. The lack of specific treaties on their use at the sea has caused a legal gap and some ambiguities. Therefore, this paper aims to determine whether UAVs can be used within the framework of the rules governing the law of naval warfare and the basic principles of the humanitarian law. This paper also aims to analyze the capacity of the existing rules to employ UAVs in the naval warfare. For this purpose, a descriptive analytical research method was used along with a desk method for data collection. According to the research findings, international treaties and customary laws, especially the humanitarian law, are not indifferent to the legal status of UAVs, despite the air and missile war guidelines as well as the Sun Guidelines in particular. They are not binding documents. In fact, they have amended and revised the law of naval warfare in accordance with the rules of the humanitarian law. Hence, they can be applied to UAVs.

The desire to form regional alliances has been on the rise under the modern globalization trend. The shared Islamic beliefs, vast oil and gas reserves, and strategic location have necessitated strong, dynamic, and ongoing relations between the Middle East states through unions of Islamic countries. Although numerous plans for convergence have been proposed, it has not been possible to form a successful union independent of regional rivalries. This study aimed to answer the following questions: “What is the most suitable union model for the Middle East under uncertainty?” and “What necessitates the formation of a union in this volatile region different from normal ones in other regions?” This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach to present a new model of regional governance titled "Islamic Union of Charities and Non-Governmental Organizations". This study also briefly discusses the obstacles to convergence and the relevant unsuccessful experiences in the Middle East. In addition to removing impediments to convergence through benevolent diplomacy, this union can use the vast capacity of public opinion and non-governmental actors to serve as a solution to the chaos at this international crossroads of events in the region.

China’s cyber capabilities have been accentuated in recent years, with the country intensifying its efforts, since 2014, to shape international norms in cyberspace, and seeking to play a unique role in the international system. This research examined China’s objectives and preferences in cyber diplomacy as well as its policies to achieve them. The results indicated that China, as to its cyber-diplomatic objectives and preferences, aims at becoming a normative power, a cyber-superpower, and applying standardization and localization practices. To this end, it pursues several strategies such as holding the World Internet Conference, enhancing the role of the United Nations, and making intergovernmental agreements. Through a descriptive-explanatory method, this research showed that the vision of a comprehensive cyber superpower is beyond mere technological capabilities, requiring great powers to enter normative, discursive, and ideological competition to shape the future international system.

The Palestinian issue is one of the most complex issues in the Middle East that has loomed large since 1948. During several wars with the Arabs, the Israeli regime seized control of Palestinian regions and occupied their lands. Thanks to its union with the USA, Israel considered its security guaranteed, however, since 2015, a trend known as "Normalization of Relations" has emerged, which has had some success, but both Arabs, particularly Saudi Arabia's allies, and Israel have faced security challenges due to the United States' increasing competition with China, which is one of the reasons for the United States' gradual withdrawal from the region, and the increased influence of Iran there. The main question that arises is "what role, significance, and position the Palestinian issue plays in the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations?" This study used an analytical-descriptive and, to some extent, historical approach to answer the question. The study's goal was to concentrate particularly on the Palestinian issue in this normalization of relations because it is one of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategic points of contention with Israel and is intertwined with its security. The study's general findings revealed that Arab allies of Saudi Arabia do not place a high value on the Palestinian cause in the normalization process; however, Saudi Arabia, which claims to be the leader of Muslims, appears to regard resolving the Palestinian issue as one of the conditions for normalizing relations with Israel. However, if Saudi Arabia's security is jeopardized more than this, it will withdraw from this term as well.

As two strong players in the Middle East, Turkey and Saudi Arabia greatly influence the regional equations. In 2002, the Justice and Development Party's rise to power in Turkey profoundly changed the nation’s foreign policy. Ahmet Davutoğlu's ideas are known as “Neo-Ottomanism”. The 2011 Arab uprisings changed relations between the two countries from cooperation (since the Justice and Development Party's rise to power) to competition and conflict, with Turkey and Saudi Arabia adopting different and opposing policies towards Qatar. The main research question is, how has Neo-Ottomanism affected the regional relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar)? The main research objective is explaining how neo-Ottomanism affects the regional relationship between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar). This descriptive-analytical study concludes that due to Qatar's support for Iran in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 2017, Turkey and Saudi Arabia's conflict of interests on account of the Arab Spring and the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist discourse led to the Turkey-Qatar coalition.

Some argue that Iran Petroleum Contracts (IPC) are buy-back (bai' motaqabel) agreements. However, considering the basic criteria of such agreements—including the absence of a concrete object, subject of the contract, and design/development at the time of contract conclusion—IPCs cannot be regarded as buy-back contracts. The main research questions are why IPCs cannot be categorized as one of the common legal contracts such as sale, barter, and reward (Ji’ala) and whether they must be defined within the scope of Iranian or international law.  The findings of this analytical and comparative study outlined three different views concerning the nature of IPCs: (1) administrative contracts governed by domestic laws of the employer, i.e., the government, (2) private contracts governed by Article 10 of the Iranian Civil Code, and finally, (3) contracts with international and transnational features. There are arguments made in favor of each view. In terms of Iranian laws, IPCs are marked with special features with similarities and differences in comparison to other contract types specified in the Iranian Civil Code such as sale, barter, reward, and lease, while they cannot be classified as either one of these.

In the contemporary era, regionalism has been a popular approach for governments in tandem with globalization or as its alternative. Iran has been an international country and a regional power thanks to its geographical and historical expediencies. Since the very first year of the twentieth century's last decade, as the soviet’s occupation of Afghanistan ended and central Asia and southern Caucasus republics gained independence, Iran could have promoted its regional place. Nevertheless, despite its unique geographical position, cultural and civic affinity with the aforementioned countries, and six five-year development plans, the Islamic Republic of Iran has failed to act as a regional pole and take advantage of its regional capabilities regarding those countries over the last three decades. Our primary question is, “What role does the supranational region play in Iran's five-year development plans?” Using frequency and content analysis methods, we studied the content, articles, and sections of six five-year development plans. Our findings indicate that the term “region” has no clear definition; the level of attention paid to it varies frequently; and the region's key components, constituent areas, and countries differ considerably from one plan to another. As a practical result, we suggest that the “Iranian civilization zone,” the geographical-cultural region surrounding Iran, be defined as Iran's target region and a specific instance of the supranational region in Iran's macro-planning and macro-policymaking.

The concept of Erga Omnes obligations, because of protecting the fundamental values of the international community, are distinct from other obligations of their importance in general international law and contrary to bilateral and reciprocal obligations of classical international law, belong to all States and therefore all States have a legal interest in their protection. One of the key concepts that play an important role in the development of international law has been the concept of Erga Omnes obligations. These obligations are distinct from bilateral and reciprocal obligations of classical international law, and belong to all States and therefore all States have a legal interest in their protection. This article seeks to find answer to the following question: "What approaches can be applied to identify Erga Omnes obligations in the realm of international law?" The research explores two approaches to identifying Erga Omnes obligations in the realm of international law; first, according to the structural approach, non-bilateral obligations, the violation of which does not harm any particular stats, is considered Erga Omnes. Second, according to the material approach to identifying Erga Omnes obligations, an obligation will be considered an Erga Omnes when it has a material element, which is protecting the fundamental values of the international community. This approach can be find in the proceedings of the International Court of Justice. In material approach, Erga Omnes obligations can be identified through either Jus Cogens norms or dispositive norms (customary Erga Omnes obligations) of international law

The international order has never been stable and continuous, and throughout history international relations have always been subject to change, the most important change of which took place in the late twentieth century.Influenced by this change, one of the most important issues that has led scholars to theorize has been the discussion of the type of international order and its future perspective.in this direction, there will be consequences for countries like Iran in the international arena. Accordingly, the author summarizes the purpose of the article in examining and explaining the three areas of " picture of the current situation of international order ", "future trends" and "its impact on Iran". The research method is descriptive-analytical and the general conclusion shows that the power distribution situation has become unipolar since the collapse of the Soviet Union.This situation continues today.But trends show that China is following the United States and competing with it.As a result,the international system will move out of the status quo and into the period of establishing a new international order led by the United States and China;Regarding the impact of this situation on countries such as Iran, the need for a strategic alliance with one of the great powers is emphasized.

Iran and Israel, being regional adversaries in West Asia, have strong ties with China. As a variable, Iran's position in the Middle East has affected the Israel-China bilateral relationship. The key question of this paper is how Iran, as a variable, affects China and Israel relations. The research has been conducted through a descriptive-analytical method using library sources. According to the findings, the following factors influence the relationship between China and Israel: China's considerations about the balance of power between the major players in West Asia, such as Iran and Israel; China's considerations about Iran's anti-American standpoint and Iran's stance against America's regional allies (such as Israel); and China's considerations about maintaining Iran as a stable energy supply chain. Iran's revisionism and anti-US role in the international system structure, in contrast to other powers such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, whose actions favor maintaining the status quo in the Middle East, establish a balance, the consequences of which can be seen in China's stable supply of energy.

Recognizing and introducing common cultural elements significantly affects convergence and divergence among nations. Cultural commonalities, or awareness of them, facilitate international collaboration and communication. UNESCO's primary mission is to promote international cultural cooperation and mutual understanding across cultures by developing institutional mechanisms. As one of the significant universal cultural spheres, the cultural Iranian civilization sphere has always had an excellent capability for developing cooperation among political units linked to it. In this regard, the question arises as to how UNESCO uses its cultural policies to create political-identity ties among countries within the cultural Iranian civilization sphere. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method within the theoretical framework of cultural diplomacy, drawing on library and statistical sources. It aims to investigate the current state of UNESCO's diplomatic mechanisms and to provide alternatives to their efficiency. According to the findings, UNESCO has taken steps to disseminate cultural convergence in the aforementioned civilization sphere by implementing cultural projects such as World Heritage, Intangible Cultural Heritage, Memory of the World Programme, Unitwin/UNESCO Chairs Programme, and Creative Cities Network. Although this procedure establishes multifaceted cultural relations among nations in this sphere, it has been affected by some executive, political, and social challenges.