جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Political Economy of Foreign Policy » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Given China's urgent need for sustainable energy to reduce energy vulnerabilities and maximize its growing power in international politics and relations, the rising country has sought to build energy cooperation in recent years. A special political-economic relationship with the countries present in the GCC and the Eurasian Strategic Region will emerge. In this regard, the authors of the present study with a descriptive-analytical-comparative approach and based on library documents, have sought to answer the strategic question that the People's Republic of China in the light of deepening relations by analyzing and examining the growing presence of Beijing in these areas. What are its political and economic goals with the member states of the Persian Gulf Council and the actors in the Eurasian strategic sphere? The hypothesis raised by the above question is that Beijing, taking into account the economic weight of the countries present in the mentioned regions and given their special position in the belt-road initiative, has tried to pursue its new geopolitical strategies through effort. To ensure sustainable security of access to energy, maintain target markets based on the Belt-Road Initiative, as well as increase cooperation with regional partners, extend to the Persian Gulf and Eurasia.

Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.

Formation of OPEC and exploiting petroleum as pressure tool by Arabian countries for countering with Zionist Regime during early 70th century was a prominent example of petroleum’s political significance. In order to prevent the reduction of petroleum exportation during Cold War era, the USSR tried to reduce the importance of its political dimension. Following the collapse of USSR and surmount of liberalism and occidentalization during Yeltsin era, the petroleum maintained its unpolitical nature. Still since the beginning of Putin’s presidency, especially after the ignite of the new cold war following Iraq’s occupation in 2003, Russian Federation was gradually inclined to convert petroleum from an economic instrument to a political and even security one. The Energy Strategy of Russia for the period up to 2020 articulates that energy resources are the main instruments for driving Russia’s exterior and interior politics. Against this backdrop, the present article is trying to find out the main reason for Russia to exploit energy resources as a political instrument. Using the theoretical framework of bureaucratic decision making, the authors argue that interior bureaucratic considerations including balance of power, as well as internal conflicts in Putin’s government, are the main reasons for the mentioned question. The internal power relationship especially the core role of petroleum companies in Russia’s governmental decision making has led to the weaponization of energy.

This article clarifies how the Global Political Economy has shaped the foreign policy of India in the age of globalization. The hypothesis is that six drivers of Global Political Economy and three dynamisms coupled with mutual interactions amongst Politics, Economics, Culture and Security shapes foreign policy of states. The author embarks on a new effort to develop an analytical model that describes the notion of Political Economy of Foreign Policy and its dynamics in India. To conclude, the author developes a model to verify trajectory of continuity and change in India's foreign policy, indicating shifts form Non-alignment, to Multi-alignment, and, further to the Modi's policy of "Alliance with the United States and the West". He is of the view that prospects of India's re-orientation to Multi-alignement would be subject to further studies.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and almost after two decades, India’s hopes for US support for effectively connect it to the landlocked Commonwealth of Independent States in Central Asia were dashed away. Exploring other connectivity options including the International North–South Transport Corridor -or Iran as the lynchpin of its connectivity- was delayed under the US pressures. Other alternatives were also not feasible. Therefore, given the trajectory of political economy of India’s foreign policy, the main question of this article is ‘what are the best options to get India connected to Central Asia? The hypothesis is that, the demise of the American hegemony has led India to a diversification in its policies. To conclude, the authors develop a model to verify India's foreign policy, and further, they argue that the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's policy of "Alliance with the United States and the West"; the prospects of India's re-orientation to a balanced multi-alignment policy; as well as India's CIS strategies would be subject to further studies.

This study seeks to answer the question of how "global political economy" has influenced "China's foreign policy in the age of globalization"? In answer to this question, the research hypothesis is that the six components of global political economy in interaction with the main factors of economics, politics, security and culture and through three dynamics, shape the foreign policy of countries. The authors study the quality of the impact of global political economy on China's foreign policy by presenting a new model called "foreign policy political economy."