مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال ششم شماره 2 (پیاپی 40، زمستان 1393)

Turkey's efforts to woo Europe in more than half a century have not helped this country to be a member of EU yet.  At this point none of them can step back from the Turkey's EU process, but still European Union members are not ready to accept turkey as a new member. This essay tries to understand why EU still hesitates to accept turkey. Although, some reasons like economy and human right are formally consider as the main obstacles in Turkey's EU process, we cannot ignore immaterial obstacles and different identities in this process. Justice and Development Party (AKP), had functionalist approach till 2007 in EU integration. But after judicial coup d’état in 2007, turkey’s foreign policy under the rule of AKP, tends to constructivism. So in this essay we focus on functionalism to explain parts of obstacles on Turkey's accession and at the same time use constructivism to explain the other parts. With constructivism theories, we will show how identity and Turkey's image in Europe and EU image in turkey do not help them to integrate more.

Plato, in the Phaedrus dialogue , has counted writing in the margin, with emphasis on the logocentric speech. He presents writing as a dangerous supplement for alive speech that is predicated of the meaning and the truth. referring to "the logic of Supplementary", J. Derrida knows writing's inferiority in Platonic tradition, as an unjustifiable matter. Through  the logic of difference ,he considers to the meaning as always deferred and different matter. the logic of Supplementary that has been borrowed from J. J. Rousseau’s literature, also emerges in J. Rancière’s thought. for Rancière, “Politics” unlike its natural evident and necessity in ancient political philosophy, is a "possible" matter ,and it is equivalent with democracy that finds ability to being through evidence of demos. In this review, realization of politics/democracy is relevant to pass through police as a concern of ancient political philosophy. In this essay, this question is considered that "how to be handled the logic of Supplementary in Derrida’s and Rancière’s works, and what points are common or different?". As the result of discussion, we have been able to say that "for both thinkers, the supplementary makes possibility for review of special aspects of political philosophy. At the same time, while for Derrida, it explains writing's inferiority in the beginning and then it will be represented meaningless through the operations of difference and play, for Rancière, as a void, it has creative disposition, In other words, it is a historical condition for stablishment of politics/democracy.

While National identity has the elements and common component of ethnic identity, it also has some proprietary number of elements and components. Elements and components of the culture, history, territory, religion, race, are common between the national or ethnic identities. But the elements and features of the sovereignty and independence, government, economy and national defense and army are specific to national identity. Although ethnic identity is defined as the subsets of national identity, in some cases, there is the possibility of changing direction towards ethnic or national identity especially if the orientation of the components of identity changes. Thus, we can create one of the strengthening, destructive, parallel or consolidated orientation connections between two types of ethnic identity and national identity based on the general attitude to the identical components.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have encountered vicissitudinous relations from the very beginning. This fluctuation is visible in both Pahlavi as well as Islamic Republic periods. The article has investigated the influential factors and their implications on Iran- Saudi Arabia relations in Pahlavi’s era. In addition, it supplies this initial answer that notwithstanding regional and geopolitical competitions, a relative overlapping of identities as well as confronting common identity threats at regional and international level, plus the structural obligations of international system led to cooperation between both countries. In other words, in the anarchic structure of the bipolar international system, Iran and Saudi Arabia – according to the social structure between “themselves” - perceived each other as “friends” and shaped their relations in accordance with. Furthermore, a descriptive-analytical method plus both material and social approaches have been applied to this research.

This article evaluates the factors that have influenced the formation of the U.S. policy towards Pakistan’s nuclear program. The issue of Pakistan’s nuclear program, as one of the most crisis prone countries in the world, is a significant issue in the domain of the nuclear program. To deal with this issue, the U.S. has primarily adopted an indecisive policy and avoidance of imposing unbearable pressures. The hypothesis of this article is that the U.S. policy towards Pakistan’s nuclear program is mainly the result of material such as features of structure of international system, as well as identity such as collective and social identity variables. To develop this hypothesis, the authors alongside applying the neorealist theory, move to introduce two constructivist variables of collective and social structures. They conclude that the U.S. for a variety of reasons such as containment of communism, nuclear deterrence, balance of power and struggle against terrorism, in accordance to material structure and existence of some sort of identity rivalry (known as Locke’s situation) as a consequence of Washington and Islamabad collective and social identity in accordance to Imaterial structure, has adopted an indecisive policy towards Pakistan’s nuclear program.

In Middle East and North Africa, Islamism and social movements increased in reaction to failure of secular–nationalist ideologies and states after 1970s in various spectrums, strategies and tactics. In spite of this, in recent years Islamists have been faced with sever challenges due to reasons such as: increase of terrorist groups as ISIS group and election defeat of Islamists in Egypt and Tunisia post revolution. Algeria is one of the countries in this region that has been faced severly with tension between secular nationalist and Islamists mainstreams after 1990s, but today and unlike the past, this mainstream hasn’t more influence on society and masses. In this research, the main question is that: what have been the most challenges of Islamists in Algeria after 1990s? The authors try to give analytical answer to this question with the explanative-causal research method and political-sociological approach. The most challenges of Islamists in Algeria consist of: non-strategically-ideological unity, absent of vigorous and overarching organization, serious decrease of ideological legitimacy due to terrorism and non acceptance of this deviative mainstream by  the new generation of youth with attitudinal- intellectual developments. The most finding of this research is that: in present time, the Islamists have been faced with sever ideological legitimacy due to deviation and orientation much of  them to ISIS group  and Al-Qaeda  and so, the ruling secular-nationalistic mainstream and political party has been remained in power in spite of  undemocratic nature.