مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال پانزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 75، پاییز 1402)

Regional integration is considered one of the most important international phenomena in the world, which has always had special theoretical literature in international relations and regional studies. Theories such as federalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, communication theory, etc. are among the most important theories that specifically seek to explain how regional integration occurs in a specific region. "Practice turn" or "practice theory" is considered one of the latest theoretical achievements in international relations, which many researchers have tried to apply in regional integration studies. According to the main principles of this theoretical approach, international phenomena are analyzed in terms of international "actions". The specific and pluralistic ontology, epistemology, and methodology of this theoretical approach have made many researchers of European studies use it to analyze and investigate the integration in Europe. For this purpose, in the present article, we intend to describe this theoretical approach and apply it to European integration studies and its development. Therefore, the main question of this article is, how has practice theory influenced the development of integration studies in Europe? The findings of this paper show that studies based on practice theory have challenged the more traditional understanding and previous theoretical literature on the dynamics of European integration. In fact, practice theory has forced the new generation of European studies researchers to reconsider the main assumptions of the European Union and go beyond the ontology and methods related to the existing theories in international relations.

The present research tries to investigate and analyze the impact of identity-ideological and historical factors on the political status of Turkish Alevis in different time series with an analytical method and using qualitative data obtained from library sources. In the current research, the political position of the Alevis of Turkey is assumed as a dependent variable and a function of the independent variable of the identity and political history of the Alevis. The results of the present research show that the Alevis of Turkey have always been considered outsiders and others due to their distinct identity and beliefs by the government and the majority group, and have always been a marginal player and opposition to the governments and political power of Turkey, and for this reason, the way different Turkish governments have faced With the Alevis of this country in various time series, there has not been a serious and appreciable break, and various governments with different ideologies have always limited the Alevis because of their identity and have not allowed them to be seriously present in the political and power scene of Turkey, and from this Because we are witnessing a kind of historical tradition in the political and power scene of Turkey to restrict the Alevis.

Although theoretical modeling seeks to explain revolutions as possible as simple, they are amongst the most complicated human phenomena. Despite common features in terms of the beginning, procedure, and outcomes, revolutions differ considerably. Considering the similarities and differences between revolutions leads to understanding the contextual and intellectual characteristics, the agents, and the kind of mass activism in revolutions. There have been various divisions about revolutions. Samuel Huntington’s simple division about revolutions, i.e. the Western and the Eastern, has been paid attention to in reviewing Iran`s Islamic Revolution. He divides revolutions into two general types based on some particular characteristics. In which category does the Islamic revolution fall into this duality and how efficient is this modeling in formulating and analyzing the Islamic revolution? To respond to the question, the paper hypothesizes that Iran`s Islamic Revolution shows similarities to the Western type and fundamental differences with the Eastern type. Although in this analysis, the authors also criticize this modeling in the analysis of the Islamic Revolution. To explain the hypothesis, the paper conducts a comparative-historical method for analyzing the library-based data of the research.

Iran's public diplomacy towards modern Iraq has included several programs. However, Economic programs and initiatives are among the programs that have been addressed less independently. Therefore, the purpose of this article is explanation the economic programs in the iran's public diplomacy in modern Iraq. The main question was that "What is the place of economic programs in the I.R.Iran's public diplomacy in modern Iraq?" Research findings showed that “Although the economic programs have not had an independent position in the public diplomacy of the I.R.I in modern Iraq, but, Their full and independent application will serve the goals of public diplomacy, the vast capacities of resources, actors and economic activities.” At the same time that due to some cultural and political sensitivities in the Iraqi society and on the other hand the needs of this country's economy, more attention and use of economic programs that are less sensitive is a double importance and necessity for Iran's public diplomacy towards new Iraq will have. In this regard, some programs such as the use of the "tourism industry" and "developmental aid" are more well-known, which of course have a Shia approach to some extent, and also have been of interest as cultural and political programs. Dealing with these matters under the title of economic programs of public diplomacy plays an important role in the maximum use of these capacities; Because this creates the opportunity to implement more dimensions of these programs and activates more devices in this field.

Political phenomena, including revolutions, are historical events that, like an organism, have stages of birth, adolescence and gaining experience, youth and strength, maturity and evolution. Iran's Islamic revolution of 1979, as the last link in the chain of revolutions of the 20th century, is in the middle of its fifth decade. This revolution went through its initial decades with many ups and downs and now it is at a critical stage in its history. Perhaps the most important challenge facing the Islamic revolution at this historical juncture is the amazing acceleration of changes and metamorphosis in the world and man. In the upcoming research, the researchers intend to answer this major question while using the descriptive/analytical approach in the framework of the theory of persuasion and cultural diplomacy, that in the new configuration of the world arena, the Islamic revolution will ensure survival, continuity of movement and achievement of its goals in the future perspective. What approach should be taken and which approach can be used to achieve these goals? The findings of the research indicate that the Islamic revolution can have 6 different images for the future by rethinking approaches and persuading public opinion, considering both internal and external levels. These hypothetical images are a function of using three ideological, pragmatic and civic approaches.

The establishment of democratic political order has been the main concern of many human societies, especially in the contemporary world. But the emergence of democratic political models in the contemporary world should be considered from the western world. This fact has led to an idea that only can democracy models be realized in the context of Western culture. On this basis, non-western societies must either accept western culture or surrender to authoritarian regimes. The purpose of the upcoming research is to challenge these two assumptions and examine the possibility of presenting a native model of democratic political order in Islamic societies to help establish democratic values ​​in these societies while protecting native culture. This article aims to present a model called "interactive democracy" with descriptive-analytical method. The main finding of this article is that political agents in Islamic societies, by referring to the three elements of Islamic values, daily life as well as the others, and in a constant process of interaction between themselves (understanding), can extract the priorities of the society in an institutionalized process called the interactive democracy. The results of this research emphasize the possibility of local democratization, revival of Islamic identity and efficiency of Islamic societies. From this point of view, the interaction will be the gravity of Islamic democratic political order.

Farabi is considered the founder of philosophy in the Islamic world. This Iranian philosopher not only entered of Greek reason into the field of Muslim knowledge, but also entered the Iranian politics to the Islamic political system. In fact, Farabi's political thought has various sources. We should consider him as the inheritor of the presence of Platonic philosophy, Aristotelian reason, Iranian wisdom, Islamic knowledge, and Shiite teachings of his time. The aim of this study is recognizing and analyzing the presence and extension of Iranian wisdom in Farabi's political thought. Farabi describes thinking in the field of Iranian wisdom in ontology, epistemology, society and politics. His ontology is linked to Iranian wisdom by following the example of the series of angels and the connection of heaven and earth, and in the field of social life, it is an ideal format for his utopia. Furthermore, Farabi's epistemology, which ultimately leads to the supremacy of fantasy, has its roots in Iranian light based Imagination; The wisdom bridges the light of knowledge and awareness between the earth and the sky. In his thought, politics should establish a connection between the sky and the seal of God with the royal throne and the people of the society. These three components have Iranian origins.
He considered Farabi's political thought in the style of royal governance and undeniable examples of Iranian wisdom.

The Constitutional Revolution in Iran is one of the most important events in Iran's contemporary history, which has had significant impacts on Iran's political and social contours and has resulted in important objectives and mental changes. In this revolution, the elites, including intellectuals and scholars, played a decisive role. Among the religious elites, a range of scholars with a positive and interactionist approach to the modern world, religiously justified the new political concepts that formed the foundations of the constitutional political system by taking advantage of the existing capacities in Shia political jurisprudence. They produced such a system of thought that can be referred to as constitutional jurisprudence or jurisprudence of democracy. By using Skinner's contextual hermeneutic method, while rereading the obvious and hidden aspects and layers of this intellectual system, the present research seeks to answer the following question: What were the practical and ideological contexts in which constitutional jurisprudence was born? The findings of the research show that its ideological background was shaped by religious texts, on the one hand, and, new political concepts, on the other hand. Regarding the practical contexts of this intellectual system, the tyranny of the Qajar rulers and the constitutional revolution can be mentioned as two important factors.

The process of development in Iran has always faced challenges during the more than four decades since the revolution. This is essentially due to the absence of a consensus on development goals, conflicts among various social forces, and the prevalence of political ideologies in the design and implementation of development policies. The economic challenges facing Iranian society, such as soaring inflation, high unemployment rates, the devaluation of the national currency, the fragility of the financial-banking system, extensive economic sanctions, the interdependence between the economy and political variables, the gap between knowledge-based systems and government capacity, and the creation of a development trap, have significantly hampered the success of development in post-revolutionary Iran. The main inquiry of this article is in what ways have shifts in the discourse of development impeded progress in Iran? Therefore, the fundamental hypothesis of this research is that the cause of this failure is the creation of development traps, lack of consensus, and the transformation of development into an antagonistic issue in post-revolutionary governments from 1989 to 2021. Within this framework, the research methodology is descriptive-analytical, with an emphasis on integrating the theories of Chambers Johnson and Ajam-Oghlo and Robinson.

In this article, the main question is what were the most important reasons for labor protests in Asaluyeh and its consequences from the second half of the 2010s onwards, and the most important suggestions for institutionalizing demands and preventing labor radicalism from the perspective of model indicators and governance theory. what are good The general finding of this field research with the interview technique of workers, workers and experts indicates the first place of economic components, the second place of social and cultural components and then the third place of institutional components (supervisory, trust, regulatory, etc.) as drivers. or the roots of the labor protests were in Asalouye. Of course, in the eyes of experts, due to their specialized knowledge and the importance of institutional factors, the importance of institutional components in rooting protests and consequences was high compared to workers. Some of the most important consequences of these labor protests for the country were: increasing the vulnerability of internal security, decreasing trust and weak acceptability of government institutions and labor unions, and the contagion effects of labor protests to similar areas. In the end, to prevent labor radicalism and institutionalize their demands, practical suggestions were presented from the perspective of good governance theory.