نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال هشتم شماره 3 (پیاپی 29، پاییز 1397)

In the context of neoclassical realism, this article focuses on the intrinsic interference variables, particularly the role of pro-Israel ethnic groups, and uses the solidarity approach to lobby for US foreign policy. The Israeli lobby in the United States consists of a network of Jewish organizations, including AIPAC and GI Street, which are the most effective and inclusive lobby groups in the country, respectively, as a prominent and successful force in influencing US policies regarding Israel, the Middle East and Iran. The mechanism of AIPAC and JS Street is enforced by the lobbying with Congress, given the nature of the American political system and the prominent role it gives Congress in American policymaking. The main focus of AIPAC is to broadly align US policy with that of hardline right-wing Israel in Israel, so far as it has sought to present it as a threat to international peace and security and to pressure Iran through a boycott of the nuclear pretext. And to support the stalemate in the Iran-5 + 1 negotiations. While JSR has tried to adopt a different approach with the so-called Israeli support for peace support and with the main aim of creating an independent identity against AIPAC by attracting groups outside AIPAC or opposing radical and right-wing policies such as liberal and moderate groups. To show another face of American Jewish society and act as a counterweight to AIPAC. A striking example of this change of approach was Obama's support for Iran in the Iran-5 + 1 nuclear talks.

"Securing religious identity" is one of the most influential elements in creating or exacerbating crises that have caused the Middle East to continue to face security issues and experience various tensions and crises that have challenged the dominance of all regional actors. The element of religious identity has been at odds with its two prominent representatives, the Shi'ites with the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Wahhabi Sunnis with the Saudis, with security and alienation of their identities as the crisis escalates. Have fueled. This study attempts to answer the question: How has the security of religion influenced the spread of crises in the Middle East based on the ontological security theory? Accordingly, with the descriptive-analytical method, the findings of the present study show that the securitization of religion through the hostile identification of regional actors, the two rival religious identities, Iran and Saudi Arabia, by securing religious identity and highlighting components such as dignity. Cynicism, shame, biographical narratives and lost credibility have exacerbated the crisis at the regional level, especially in Iraq and Syria.

One of the most enduring conflicts in international relations has been the tense relationship between the United States and Vietnam. Vietnam's Communist leaders, who had, until decades before, eroded any US imperialist influence on their flags and set the pattern for the struggle against America; gradually toward the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, normalizing their relations with the United States and working with the institutions. And international regimes have stepped up. This shift in foreign policy has dramatically restored Vietnam's relations with the international community, and in particular with the United States. The main question in this article is why Vietnam changed its policies towards the United States. To answer this question, the authors have validated the hypothesis that the revolutionary government of Vietnam, affected by the perceptions of the leaders of the first generation of the revolution, faced widespread economic, political, and international crises, which paved the way for the new leaders to come to terms with the world. And different perceptions, one of the major consequences of which was the change in foreign policy and the normalization of US policy.

This paper examines the expansion of China's economic influence in the Central Asian region, and analyzes China's role in the Central Asian region. Indeed, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the independence of the five governments of Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan, and the subsequent emergence of the Central Asian regional system, Russia has inherited unrivaled influence in the area as a result of Soviet advantages. . China, as an emerging actor, has gradually entered into the Central Asian equations, seriously challenging Russia's dominant role in various economic fields, with China as the largest trading partner in Asia's foreign trade region as a whole. China has also played an increasingly important role in the investment and development of oil, gas, road and rail transport infrastructure, and given China's efforts to transform Xinjiang into a major gateway. Economic entry into Eurasia pursued under the new Silk Road cover and also according to the needs And the requirements of domestic economic development, it is expected, that China's growing economic expansion in Central Asia will continue to maintain. The findings of this article show that China has adopted a pragmatic policy based on development requirements to increase the economic resources of its domestic sectors in this area, and a strong link has been established between China's foreign policy and its economic agents and objectives in the region. And as Beijing's political influence has been used to meet the needs of domestic economic development, the increase in economic resources has also contributed to China's political reinforcement, and China has not externally expanded in a way that imposes heavy costs on the domestic community. Rather, it is the external expansion that serves the economic interests of the domestic community.

Leaders' beliefs and their perceptions of the threat are an important part of the reason for the continued hostility between states in the international system. Regardless of the extent of the actual threat from the enemy and its aftermath, as well as ignoring the fact that many governments act not only for the threat but for the sake of security concerns and how the leaders of the two countries perceive the nature of the threat, it can yield results. It will lead to something different. This article examines the role of the leaders of the two United States and North Korean leaders over the past decades and their perceptions of the threat to assess the reason for the continuing hostility between the two countries. The hypothesis of this paper is based on the hostile perception of the intentions of the other party and any action as an attempt to threaten the security and different assessments of the extent of the threat that have sustained the failure to reach a final peace solution. The research method in this study is causal explanation and type of applied research.

The AKP is formed by a new chapter in Turkey's domestic and foreign policy. The combination of political Islam with democracy and liberalism, rapid economic development, a region based approach, rather than a Western approach in foreign policy, a strategy of strategic depth and zeroing problems with neighbors created a great attraction for Turkey in the Middle East so that the rising trend of the country's soft power in the Middle East put the "Turkey's Model" as a successful governance model for the Muslim people of the Middle East.Despite the relative success of Turkey's economic and diplomacy influence in the Middle East but revolutionary developments in the Arabic Middle East and followed by the rise of ISIL in the Turkey's neighbors as an opportunity as the leaders of Turkey have to Use it to increase their regional influence and hegemony in the area. The opportunism of the Turkish government on the one hand, led to departure from previous soft power policies, and, on the other hand, failure to achieve Turkey's new policy goals of military intervention and the hard power use from terrorist groups in Iraq and Syria has created a challenge and a decline in Turkey's soft power.The findings of this paper show that Turkey's soft power after a period of growth in the first decade of the new millennium as the ISIL emerged and the decline of the Turkey's soft power components has caused to decrease the position of domestic and regional status of the Turkish government.

This article seeks to understand external factors affecting role of European Union towards Palestinian Question. The main question of the study is that "What are the external causes and factors of the evolution of European policies, approaches, and roles towards the Palestine Question?" The main hypothesis of the article is that "Structural changes in the international system and, consequently, the change of European power in the international arena, United States and Israel’s attitude regarding Europe's actions and the threats posed by the Middle East's security environment for Europe , "are the main external causes and factors that contributed to the transformation of Europe's role in Palestine. The research methodology in this paper is "descriptive-analytical" and for the purpose of data collection, the library method has been used mainly. Research findings suggest that Europe has failed to find a parallel political role to it’s economic role in the Palestinian Question and this has been a deficiency in America's critical role in the crisis, Israel's and the US's opposition to European political insight, the gap and inconsistency among EU member states, as well as Europe's weaknesses in the field of hard power and its implications affects Europe’s role as a mediator.

In the 40-year-old life of Iran, a special form of discourse templates and patterns has emerged that this paper seeks to show the development of political discourse in the Hashemi government. This research aims to explain the pattern of the effect of political discourse on foreign trade interactions. U Iran and the European Union. The research method is mixed (qualitative and quantitative). In the first step, the proposed methodology is based on the method of data theorization, based on the grounded or grounded theory used. The sampling method was conducted purposefully with 10 experts in the field of foreign trade and international relations experts and foreign policy of in-depth interviews. The results of the interviews were analyzed using three stages of coding (open, selective and axial). In order to ensure the accuracy of the results, the obtained results were quantitatively quantitated using a questionnaire. The statistical population of this study includes 180 relevant subject experts in the Trade Development Organization, the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, using simple random sampling, and using Cochran formula, 82 of them were selected as samples. Confirmatory factor analysis has been used to verify and confirm the details of the model. These results show that the effects of "deconcentration" and "interactive approach" on the stress relief in foreign policy, as well as the impact of the categories of "economic development", "national authority and national security", and "expediency" on the economic reconstruction and national interests in the Hashem irrfsanjani government have

.When a person as a representative assumes a contract for his or her origin, the result of his / her action is the formation of a legal relationship that has different effects on the way in which the agent works, creating a legal relationship and the effects of that legal relationship itself. Depending on how the agent works. Differences are about the legal obligation. Obligations differ based on the knowledge and lack of knowledge of the third party of the agency relationship as well as the presence of a genuine agent. This situation is not the same in legal systems and systems and may have differences. Of course, these differences are in some cases the legal language of those legal systems, which may not have much effect on the nature of the matter, but the possibility of different interpretations and interpretations. This paper attempts to analyze and analyze this issue in two important international documents: the principles of international commercial contracts, a major achievement of the Institute for the Consolidation of Private Law, and the principles of European contract law. The commonalities and disparities are described, along with the advantages and disadvantages of the approach of those international documents, to enable economic actors to make more informed choices about any of those documents as the governing law or contract standard.

Iran's nuclear policies have been one of the main trends in the interaction between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the international system in the 1980s and 90s. This issue is presented as one of the main variables and factors influencing foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran. This article,with an emphasis on the role of the European Union in Iran's nuclear policies during the presidency of the eighth and ninth states, seeks to examine this impact by emphasizing the theoretical model of aggressive realism. The research question is that the European Union has had a lasting impact on Iran's nuclear policy during the period from 1384 to 1392,and the research hypothesis is based on the fact that the European Union has been in the Iranian nuclear issue for years. In the form of a policy of confrontation with Iran and with the United States of America, it has sought to respond to Iran's nuclear actions and activities, and this has led to Iran's aggressive approaches in the field of nuclear policy. The researcher in this study, using a detailed description of the historical process, identifies the impact of the European Union on Iran's nuclear policies. This article is based on the descriptive-analytical model and the use of global updated data of this field and library method and emphasizing the theoretical framework of aggressive realism.