نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 25 (تابستان 1398)

The present study aims to explain the principles and rules of "deducing the pattern of progress" based on the principles of the Quran. In this regard, using a descriptive-analytical method, we studied the principles of eternity and comprehensiveness of the Quran, infallibility, polynomial structure, the scientific authority of the Prophet (pbuh) and the Imams (pbut) and the legitimacy of methodical jurisprudence. Also, some of the rules of "deducing the pattern of progress from the Quran", such as isolating the effective cause, referent and denote were studied. The results show that based on a valid methodology, the model framework can be deduced from the Quran and in any society based on its requirements, the model of progress can be implemented. Also by applying the above rules we can take the correct inference path and avoid slipping and damage.

The present study examines the place of prescriptive issues in political sociology by examining political sociology with a historical priori approach and a normative perspective. The results of this descriptive-analytical study indicate that: If we take an analytical and a priori approach to political sociology, prescriptive aspects need to be examined along with the descriptive aspects of political sociology, and elimination of the normative approach from existing political sociology, given the realized positivist principles, rather than the substantive basis, the prescriptive aspect is out of the scope of political sociology; Because the basis of differentiation of this science is based on subject, not the methodology. Therefore, different methods do not alter the nature of this field. Recognizing the place of prescription aspects in political sociology makes quoting an important method in political sociology with an Islamic approach. It also removes an important defect in the division of political science trends and, given the emphasis on the importance of the subject, it provides the basis for development of political jurisprudence.

The present study aims to understand the intellectual foundations of Sayyid Qutb, to answer the following question: How did Sayyid Qutb understand the crisis of the contemporary world and what idealistic prescription did he give for treating it? Accordingly, the methodological approach of Thomas Spragens has been used to study the thought of this scholar. According to the guiding research method, the research hypothesis was that "the idea of Sayyid Qutb is compatible with the inner logic approach of Spragens; Sayyid Qutb considers a crisis of ignorance in the contemporary era that traces its roots to colonial modernism and Western secularism; His favorable political order is Islamic government and the solution to get rid of the crisis is the actions of Islamic groups to achieve a transcendent Islamic state." The results show that the crisis in contemporary societies has led Sayyid Qutb's thought to interaction and exchange of "ethics and politics" that are separated in the modern age.

The present study aims to investigate the issue of citizenship rights in Imam Khomeini's thought and tries to analyze the conceptual indications of the rights of individuals as citizens of Islamic state in Imam Khomeini's intellectual system by using a semiotic approach. In this research semiotics has been used as a method of analysis and theoretical framework for discussion and some attempts have been made to use some of the methodological possibilities of the Izutsu model, especially the concept of "semantic fields". The results show that the term citizenship rights has not been used in the speeches and works of Imam Khomeini. This is a sign of the newness of this sign in the Islamic semantic system. In the area of the right to self-determination, it is the right to political participation that is challenging. Political participation in Islamic thought in the semantic field of religious duty makes sense, and every Muslim must work as hard as he can. Although the Islamic republic regime, formally and apparently resembles the conventional Republican systems, but it is a unique system in which citizenship has its own particularities, because it is based on Islamic law. These special coordinates well illustrate the semantic contradictions in the Muslim semantic system and the discourse of modern citizenship rights.

The present study aims to investigate the backgrounds and social roots of formation of Guardianship theory in Sufism and outline its coordinates from the viewpoint of mystics of the Ilkhanid era (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, BC). In this regard, using a descriptive-analytical method we studied the coordinates of the basic form of Guardianship thought from the perspective of individuals such as Hakim Termizi and also the Sufist perception of Guardianship in Ilkhanid era from the Sufist Gurdianship and the process of transformation of Sufi Guardianship from the esoteric aspect to external and political aspects.

The present study aims to find out how Saqifah founded the caliphate on a shaky basis with no ultimate stability. In this regard, using a phenomenological and with a descriptive-analytical approach, the historical context of Saqifah in the Quraish tribal structure, the pattern of distribution of power and achieving agreement in Saqifah, and the historical consequences of Saqifah are studied. The results showed that based on the return of power system to tribal-based system, Saqifah had a dual function. In the short term (Sheikhs era), it led to transfer of power in Quraysh, from Abd-Manafis to the marginalized sub-tribes; and in the long term (from the Ottoman Caliphate to the end of the Abbasids), it stabilized the dominance of Quraysh as a theme of caliphate in a new template (no binding to coalition) but In an old theme (Abd-Manafis were in center of the power), in the post-Islamic era. After Saqifah, firstly two Shiite discourses (critical to status quo and advocate of reforming the caliphate) and Qurayshi emerged (defending the caliphate built on the tribal coalition), and then from the Ottoman era, the Umayyad discourse (inspired by the Persian-Roman imperial structures, based on Arabic background) emerged. Eventually Imam Ali (pbuh) adopted the policy of postponement and resignation after Saqifah. According to this policy, working with the caliphate did not mean accepting it; it was effective in identifying Shiites as a dissident and different group.

The present study aims to examine the requirements of public political ethics towards the political elite and the extent to which the document of measures for fundamental progress model takes care of these requirements. The research is based on two hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: Loyalty to government, selecting the most appropriate political elites and supporting them, monitoring the performance of Political elite, criticism, advice, benevolence and obeying them are among the most important requirements of public political ethics toward the political elite in a system based on religious democracy. Hypothesis 2: Document of Measures for progress has paid some attention to some of these indicators but it has not made the necessary efforts in some cases, which needs improvement in these cases. The method used in this paper is a descriptive-analytic method and based on the results, the following cases should be considered in the fundamental model of progress: Explaining the words "elite" and "people of class" according to the existence of these words in the religious-revolutionary culture of the country in order to institutionalize in the field of rights and duties of the general public and the elites and people of class in the Islamic system, paying attention to the duties of elite and people of class toward the public, emphasizing the necessity of people's loyalty to the Islamic regime, choosing the most proficient political elites, predicting the necessary measures for presence of people in different political scenes of the country and strengthening the feeling that it is possible for everybody to influence all other people's destiny in the country, choosing the most qualified officials by people, culture of criticism and demand from elites and people of class, the necessary measures to expand the culture of criticizing the elites and people of class without destroying and portraying others in bad light, emphasis on the Governance of the Jurist as governance of justice and jurisprudence.

The purpose of the present study was to examine the main nature and true nature of the concept of progress and development in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in order to introduce the conceptual coordinates of progress in the Islamic-Iranian model so that while refining the process of completing and deepening the existing model, the measures needed to move towards the horizon of the projected model, can be predicted in a more realistic way and consistent with original cultural nature of the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the present study attempts to answer the question of what relation exists between culture and Islamic revolution in general and between culture and Islamic-Iranian model of progress in particular and on what is the basis for true nature of the concept of progress in Islamic-Iranian model? Also the research has been based on the hypothesis that, given the underlying concept of culture and its origin in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, the nature of the Islamic-Iranian model of progress is cultural, so that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress can be considered a culture-based model. In this descriptive-analytical study, a model of appropriate method for studying the subject of the present study, which is a study of political Islam, was introduced to study the topics with a model consistent with this research, namely “discourse analysis” The results of this study emphasize that determining the approach and movement from the fundamental model to the Islamic-Iranian model of progress has been emphasized, and culture in the Islamic-Iranian model of progress is of such fundamental and central importance that it should be described as the fundamental cultural development model.

The present study aims to investigate the effect of power and gaining the Islamic State on political jurisprudence or methodological science. It also aims to consider the influence of social and political realities in the field of action and the viewpoint of such state on principles and inference. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the results showed that although governmental developments had no profound effect on the research method for studies on principles of jurisprudence and jurisprudence, but it has opened new horizons, It has strengthened the rationalist approach and conventionalism, developed the rules of jurisprudence, and the existence of the religious rule has been effective in changing the style and method of inference. Increasing needs of the government and Islamic society have led to changes in ways of understanding and they have provided the opportunity to unravel and answer the emerging questions, and the Islamic society provides tools and facilities which pave the way to provide new methods for processing the juridical questions.

The present study aims to explain and analyze the effects of economic structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran on its political structure. In this regard, using a descriptive-analytical method - it discusses the effects of economic structure on formation of the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in terms of democracy or authoritarianism and it explores if the economic structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran has helped to enhance democracy in the Islamic Republic or it has prevented it.The results of the research which have used the political-economy approach, indicate that the economic structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its players, in order to survive and secure their interests, have influenced some indicators of the open access political structure such as power distribution, power rotation, independence of forces, Freedom of speech, freedom of participation, limited political activity and have made them ineffective, thus they have reinforced the political structure of restricted access and prevented the consolidation of democracy in the Islamic Republic. Therefore, the economic structure of the Islamic Republic is one of the barriers to consolidation and promotion of democracy in the Islamic Republic and its reform is necessary.

The present study aims to investigate and provide a model for resolving the existing crises in Iran (such as environmental, economic, political, cultural and other crises). The present descriptive-analytical study showed that the Islamic-Iranian model of progress used in Iran, is an abstract model which could not be implemented and cannot solve the crises. To make this model work, a strategic calibration approach is needed. In this approach, due to the two principles of integrity and change, in the two axes of problem recognition and problem solving, the model of progress is calibrated by focusing on a specific problem. It also revealed how, in a phenomenological view of the problem of industrialization, this issue is being heralded in a hermeneutic context within the framework of the political economy system in Iran and the world.

The present study aims to investigate the ratio of geopolitics and progress in 1404 perspective document. Thus, the geopolitical components and considerations, foundations and geopolitical considerations of Iran's strategic environment and its impact on the development of the country have been studied in terms of the Outlook 1404 document. The results of the research, using an analytical-critical approach and the use of relevant documents, showed that for reasons such as disregard for geopolitical variables, incompatibility between national goals and geopolitical realities, single-factor and mostly inner approach toward progress and an unrealistic understanding of geographical capacities and realities, Outlook 1404 lacks geopolitical considerations. Given the fundamental weaknesses (disregarding the geographical and geopolitical considerations) and structural (lack of administrative and executive mechanisms), the expected goals of the prospective document in the 1404 time horizon will not be achieved. Therefore the prospective document will require fundamental revision with a new timeframe.

The present study aims to investigate the existing structural barriers to greater utilization of women's capital resources in development and their role in the resisting economy as well as the role and capacity of women in realizing the Islamic-Iranian model of progress. In this regard, the theory of women's empowerment has been discussed with a glance at the political economy theory of Amartya Sen and given the importance of resistance economy and the goals of economic progress, the role of women or the relative advantage of Iran in field of women for promoting resistance economy has been discussed. The current status of women in Iran's progress is also discussed, and solutions for capacity building for women's participation in development are presented. The present study uses analytical-descriptive method and the data obtained from Iranian Statistical Center, Ministry of Interior, Islamic Consultative Assembly aim to explain the capacity of women in realizing Islamic-Iranian model of progress and obstacles deriving from economic (rentier-state), political and cultural structure. The results indicate that focusing on women as (human, social, cultural, and economic) resources of the country also brings about a change in their symbolic role for cultural transformation based on consumption model in society. Thus, according to the theory of women empowerment, one of the problems of the Islamic-Iranian model of development is the uneven development and inadequate distribution of sources of power and wealth in the country. Overall, the most important factor in wasting and disregarding women's capital in progress is the oil-based economic structure of Iran.

The present study aims to investigate the relationship between strategic forecasting and moving from fundamental model to the ultimate Islamic-Iranian model of progress. Moving from the fundamental model to the ultimate model of progress and designing strategies to achieve the desired future, introduction of the task descriptions and the timeline for a set of activities and efforts to enter the ideal landscape, are the central arguments of this study. During this descriptive-analytical study, the results showed that although the fundamental model has been designed on the basis of appropriate scientific and methodological criteria, it is essential for it to have a partial capability in terms of the necessary inconsistency between the components and its intrinsic capacities in the field of future research and strategic foresight in the context of future event recognition. Especially in the field of strategic thinking, it is essential to know the future of developments and identify orientations consistent with the stable and enduring goals of the Islamic Republic.

The present study aims to study popular diplomacy in Imam Khomeini's thought and to explain its commonalities and differences with traditional and public diplomacy. In this study, the commonalities and differences of these concepts are explained and adhering to the nature of the supernatural and the miraculous (two-nature theory) and the approach to transcendence, has been the main source of differences and the main framework of comparison. The research was descriptive-analytical and the results showed that popular diplomacy compared to other types of diplomacy, its resources are the interests of the nation and it has extra care for this world and the hereafter world (true perfection) and it differs from the traditional and public diplomacy whose resources are the national interests, its agents are governments and their audiences are governments and public opinion. The defining characteristic of transcendent popular diplomacy is to become the head of the intellect at the various levels of brokers and audiences and the rest be at its service. The two main axes of popular diplomacy are: Positive and Negative activities. The first one is based on the supernatural nature and in defense of the intellect as the head of the forces and the second one is based on the miraculous nature which rejects the centrality of illusion, anger and lust as well as the use of reason for these purposes. Another difference between the transcendent diplomacy and the conventional model is their attention to the world and the hereafter.