فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال نهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 32، تابستان 1399)

This article investigates the significance of “history” and “theory” in the international relations studies’ educational system in in Iran. The structure of IR studies in in Iran is centered on a maximal use of history in its traditional form that is a descriptive, extensive, and generalized way of apply history, which unnecessarily adds to the content of an article. At the same time, such an educational system gives too much weight to theory in conducting a research. The author, however, argues that history and theory are only two important means of framing and simplifying a research for readers.in this respect, using of them should be minimal and merely for helping to understand the author’s hypothesis, with a specific approach aimed at understanding accurately the existing political, security and economic trends and particularity of any individual society. In this approach, applied history is used to explain why an event occurred and continued to the present time and possibly in the future. To this end, the author suggests a serious researcher should use a quick and liberal way of using historical flash backs throughout the text. Likewise, theory should be used only to frame the argument and operationalize the discussion in the context of policy. Keywords: History, Theory, Applied International Relations, Policy, Global Politics

The microstate of Norway unlike traditional theories of international relations (Hardwareist and paying attention to the great powers / states) has been able to create a respectable role in the internal and international disputes by focusing on the soft power embedded in relative advantages, transnational branding and invaluable image. Question of writing is norway 's reputation in peace diplomacy.the authors, considering the framework of Nation branding attempted to show how Norway (despite its marginal status and scarce resources) has managed to show itself as an acceptable and pro-peace figure( peacemaking/peace keeping) in international conflicts; What many great countries with a great deal of resources have been unable to do. transnational branding of Norwegians in Peace diplomacy was a consequence of focusing on the cultural advantages inherent in the Norwegian nation - state structure.Institution building, legal / financial support for peacebuilding and peacekeeping, Participation in peace in numerous domestic and international conflicts and The rich literature of Norwegian peace is one of the research findings that confirm the hypothesis.

The Southeastern Anatolia Project is one of the largest projects in the world which is sited in the Kurdish regions of Turkey. The major goal of GAP is to build 22 damps, 19 power plants on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, along with the development of irrigation systems to produce energy and irrigate 1.8 million hectares of land. The main question we like to address in this study is: what's the effect of GAP on the identity crisis of kurds in Turkey? The paper hypothesizes that Turkey's water policies being implemented in GAP are a part of Turkey’s strategies to extirpate the Kurdish identity of Kurds in Turkey . Our findings using analytical-descriptive method and Lewis's identity crisis theory suggest that since the beginning, Turkey has faced an identity crisis and the Turkey government is trying to solve the identity crisis using GAP and the resulting replication methods including forced migration of Kurdish people of the region, destruction of antiquities and symbols of Kurdish culture and identity and improving the socio-economic conditions of the Kurdish community. The GAP was not able to solve the Kurdish identity crisis in Turkey and conversely, there have been some consequences such as population resettlement, environmental degradation, and the destruction of Kurdish cultural heritage. the project violates article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, articles 29, 27, and 26 of theUnited Nation’sResolution on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Indigenous People, as well as the United Nation’s Convention to Combat Desertification.

Prior to the Russo-Persian wars, which were resulted in the imposition of the Golestan and Turkmenchay treaties in 1813 and 1828, the Republic of Azerbaijan was part of the Iranian territory. Historical evidence shows that the separation of Azerbaijan, unlike what has been the case in many other parts of the world, did not occur as a result of domestic demands for independence. Instead, it was a result of the ambitions of an imperialist power. Subsequent developments led to the independence of Azerbaijan in 1918. This independence did not last long and in 1920 once again the country became part of the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Republic of Azerbaijan gained independence from the Soviet Union, to be once again known as an independent state. Despite the fundamental ties between this newly established country and Iran, Azerbaijani leaders have, from the very beginning, been trying to a completely independent identity for themselves, their country, history, culture and people. This has led the Azerbaijani leaders to increasingly consider Pan-Turkist policies, causing the relations between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan to be relatively strained from the beginning. This article tries to answer the question as to what impacts have the Pan-Turkist policies had on Iran-Azerbaijan relations. The article argues that Azerbaijan’s Pan-Turkist policies has been the main cause of securitization of the relations between the two countries. This article adopts an explanatory method, based on analyzing library sources and documents.

Analyzing the transition and transformation of government systems in the system of the modern world system is one of the major issues of world politics. The purpose of this study is to analyze the rotation of the Iranian system of government in 1920 based on the modern world-system theory. The assumptions in this paper emphasize homogeneous changes and shifts in the global division of labor by a powerful state apparatus. The main question of the research is how the transformation of the Iranian regime from Qajar to Pahlavi in 1920 can be analyzed on the basis of the modern world system? In response to the above question, the hypothesis that the regime's transition from Qajar to side-by-side with the turn of the modern world system in line with the global division of labor and the citizenship of the social work organization is made. In the early development by the powerful government of the third coup d'état of March 1929, the hegemony of the power of the jurisprudence appeared violently and with the role of the Kazakhs. But then, with cultural homogenization by bureaucrats and modern intellectuals, the organization of work organization and the shift from marginal society to semi-peripheral society was made possible. And Iran, as an economically advantageous region, played a role in accumulating more capital for the global capitalist economy. The information of the article was collected through documents and was written by an analytical-descriptive method.

Abstract The central issue of this research is the globalization and application of "methodological Glocalization " in analyzing the different outcomes of the post-2011 Arab movements. globalization is a transformational process that has affected many parts of the world in various dimensions. In this regard, the Arab Middle East region is one of those places that has been undergoing globalization in the last few decades and it has changed the political life of the countries in the region. The main question is How Globalization in the face of various Arab political systems has Led to different outcomes in the path of the so-called Arab Spring movement. hypothesis is that globalization as a transformative process, in a dialectical relationship with different internal contexts/ Constructions of each Arab country, has led to different outcomes in the path of these movements. In this Research, after stating the importance of the sociology of globalization, we will try to analyze the post-2011 Arab movements and their different results within the framework of methodological Glocalization (as the aim of the research). the findings of the study show that the dialectical logic Latent In the methodological Glocalization, will enhance our understanding of the mechanism of globalization's impact on the different outcomes of post 2011-Arab movements

Territorial and border conflicts have always been one of the causes of conflict between the states. European Union region is no exception and has faced this problem during history. But, after World War II this region has witnessed huge evolutions, and integration has changed the region and consequently, the way of conflict settlement has been changed. The research was intended to find an answer to this question that “how integration can affect the peaceful settlement of territorial and border conflicts”. The research is fundamental in its goal and is descriptive-analytic in its nature and method. The research findings showed that European integration contributes to a peaceful settlement of territorial and border conflicts in four ways: first, imposing the norms and preconditions for membership called compulsory impact in a peaceful settlement of territorial-border conflicts; second, creating perceptional legitimacy of integration among the parties called enabling impact that the parties can settle the conflict peacefully, if they can legitimize the integration; third, connecting the dispute with the public and de-securitizing the dispute called connective impact and fourth, institutionalizing integration called constructive impact which was obvious in Cyprus case.

The contemporary international Security complex relations have been experiencing an era of stability in the post-Soviet-collapse. This literature attempts to describe and analyze the U.S.-Russia relations regarding their crisis management of security systems in Central Eurasia, and Ukrainian crisis, in particular, using library sources and a descriptive-analytical approach. Accordingly, the theory of security arrangements by David Lake, Patrick Morgan, and Paul A. Papayoanou raises the question of what particularly the security measures by which Russia and the US have managed conflicts are. The same is applicable for the aggressions in Central Eurasia and how the Crimean crisis has affected these patterns. The findings of this study show that both major powers have alternately used the six types of security arrangements Morgan, Lick, and Papayoanou, namely, hegemony, balance of power, Concert of Power, collective security, and pluralistic and convergent security societies. Although US security patterns in Central Eurasia remained stable after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, and regime change, their priorities have always been to achieve global hegemony which aims for a continental concert policy in order to create, converge and expand a democratic security system. As well as the U.S., Russia has been adopting the same security measures in its near abroad. What is more, the Ukrainian crisis has been the vehicle for Russia to capitalize on the regional concert taking balance of power in both coercive and soft aspect in order to articulate its own regional collective security complex. .

The most prominent and important task of those in charge of the military-security sector of a country is to select and apply the desired strategy in order to give objectivity to border-territorial security.Iran is in the midst of crisis-ridden and challenging West Asia, and its western regions have long been threatened with existential and lasting threats.In addition to deploying experienced military-intelligence units in the border areas, Iranian political-defense decision-makers see the adoption of an extraterritorial strategy to keep threats from international borders as a leverage whose absence makes it difficult to ensure security in such a crisis-ridden region.The main question of the research is what is the position of the extraterritorial deterrence strategy in the system of Iran's defense-security policy in the West Asian region. Iran's foreign policy strategy has four layers of defense in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. In this strategy, the Quds Force has formed the axis of the network, and Hezbollah of Lebanon, Hashd al-Shaabi, Ansarullah, the Fatimid Brigade and Zeinabion have formed the network's linksThis strategy is not aggressive in nature, but aims to create a kind of deterrent and defensive system to deal with threatening resources.The research findings show that the desired consequences of the extraterritorial deterrence strategy, such as countering the threat of terrorism, asymmetric balance against enemies such as the United States and Israel, strengthening strategic depth, and ultimately maintaining territorial security, have caused it to have an important position in Iran's foreign policy.Iran has a very important position.