نشریه پژوهش های انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 32 (بهار 1399)

Adherence to chastity and hijab as the most prominent example of it and as an obligatory religious and moral value rule which have positive and effective consequences on the health, security, growth and excellence on any human society, has certainly been one of the first issues after the victory of the Islamic Revolution as a grand strategy in Imam Khomeini’s view and in policy-making, planning and passing laws. It is obvious that the very formation of a government based on the religion of Islam in Iran is a rational reason that would led to the requirement of chastity and hijab in the laws. This study seeks to examine the status of adherence to chastity in four decades after the Islamic Revolution by studying the enumerating a variety of policies, programs and actions in order to clarify the current situation and possible and desirable adherence to chastity. The necessity of the forthcoming research is that, despite the fact that the formation of the Islamic system caused the necessary grounds and many requirements for the implementation of Islamic laws, including chastity and hijab, but with a realistic view of the current situation and the challenges ahead, we see that breaking the norm and non-adherence of some females to chastity and hijab in society has been raised as a common norm and it is not unlikely that if no solution is found, it will be considered as an acceptable custom. Therefore, re-reading chastity in the principles and typology of the concept of chastity as a right or duty and analyzing the measures taken to be aware of the current state of society in adherence due to be awareness of the need for reform or completion in order to lead society to the possible situation according to capacity is necessary. The research method is the applied one and descriptive-analytical in its method.

In the last four decades, domestic and foreign writers have published various studies on why the Islamic Revolution of Iran took place. Now, in the fortieth anniversary of the revolution, this issue still has research appeal. Scholars and analysts in the field of the Islamic Revolution have each emphasized an aspect of it and presented a different narrative according to their intellectual and political perspectives. The present study seeks to review the existing literature on the causes of the Islamic Revolution, to provide an analytical framework based on a multi-causal approach, and based on it, to draw a conceptual model of revolutionary change in Iran in 1978. Accordingly, the three elements of tyranny, dependence, and corruption and discrimination are considered as fundamental weaknesses of the Pahlavi regime, which became unresolved crises due to the inefficiency of the regime and the strength of the rival discourses. In the meantime, religious ideology, due to its historical advantages and social advantages, was able to present itself in a position of hegemonic superiority by presenting an alternative model, and to offer freedom and republic, independence and justice as the elements of its desired model.

Although, researchers have studied the characteristics of early and modern ignorance separately, but less attention have been paid to the differences between the two ignorance, so the present article tries to use a descriptive-analytical method to discuss these different dimensions, angles and aspects of these two. The results of the research indicate that the first ignorance, in the midst of tribal and partisan prejudice, showed itself by burying girls alive, self-decoration, gambling, and idolatry. The origins of modern ignorance are distinct from the first ignorance, but in fact it has all the features of the first ignorance in it that have found a new color and glaze over time. While with the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the expansion of the rule of Islam in today's secular world, while laying the groundwork for the Vali Asr world government and how to prepare for a world peaceful government, invite other generations also to strive and get prepared for emergence and establishment of an Islamic government in the world, in order to destroy the roots of modern ignorance and the people of the world to prosper in the Mahdavi and divine government.

Revolution is one of the greatest social changes which effects are very effective in changing societies. Since leaders have three roles in the process of revolution, including: ideologue, mobilizer and founder, they appear prominently in the role of mobilizer during the struggles. Imam Khomeini, as the leader of the Islamic Revolution, was able to play a role in all three dimensions of leadership, and especially in the mobilization of various intellectual groups, he appeared so successful. The main purpose of this study is to identify the role of Imam's leadership in mobilizing groups, and in this research, the method of document-analysis and note-taking from books, articles, and official documents have been used. Also in this article, we have used the Eric Hoffer's theories as an intermediate theorist on the role of mobilization leadership. Thus, the findings show that the Imams, with his position as a religious authority and using a divine power, appeared in the role of leadership of the revolution, and based on this, he mobilized various intellectual groups around the school of Islam and Islamic vision and specific non-violent political criteria. He exposed the face of a widespread public mobilization.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the understanding of elites and top talents of their position in the Iranian social system; the present study, which is conducted in the library method, consists of two parts. It deals with theoretical foundations of elitism, pluralism, social classes from Marx point of view and the critique of democracy, as well as the explanation of power relations in Iranian society during the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, which discuss the Qajar period, the reign of Reza Shah and the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah separately. The results of the research show that the formulation of the concept of democracy in the West in the form of "elitist pluralism" arises from the evolution of the capitalist structure. Because the basic features of twentieth-century capitalism must undoubtedly be sought in the economic domination of large enterprises and the decline of competitive capitalism. The Shah, who was at the center of the orbit of the elitism, could also bring the non-ruling elites from the lower classes into the orbit of the elitism. The structure of elitism in the Pahlavi period also had characteristics such as monarchy, aristocracy instead of meritocracy, control of political participation and balance of power among the elites.

Presidential, parliamentary, and semi-presidential political systems are rooted in the sovereignty of the nation and the public will of society, and through the balance of power and the control of power by power, seek to prevent the concentration of power. Although all of these systems are based on the will of the nation through elections, they are different in method and tools. This descriptive-analytical study seeks to answer the question of whether it is possible to achieve a parliamentary system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research findings suggest that its realization is faced with obstacles of nature and form. Its essential difference goes back to the tact that the Iranian political system is based on religious teachings, and Western political systems are based on the humanist attitude. Proportional and structural barriers go back to the constitution, so there is no possibility of a parliamentary system in Iran.

In order to increase the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran and achieve the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, continuous pathology and structural reforms are an undeniable necessity. The pathology of four decades of state experience leads us to the datum that structural defects, weak political culture, lack of an efficient comprehensive electoral system, excessive weakness of party structure, and the influence of governments in forming an efficient and independent parliament are so politically costly. The purpose of this research is to examine the realities of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the structural barriers to its progress; and is an effort to provide practical solutions to increase the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran. If the necessary reforms in the mentioned cases are performed, we will see an increase in the efficiency of the system and elimination of the current shortcomings and will become a model which the Supreme Leader is fond of. The type of investigation in this research is theoretical and the research method will be descriptive based on observations, interviews and theoretical library studies.

Since the beginning of the fourth decade of the revolution, the efficiency of the "Islamic Republic" has been one of the main issues which have been seriously considered. The appearance of some mismanagement along with the focus of the hostile policies of the enemies on the implementation of the strategy of "inefficiency of the Islamic Republic" has strengthened the suspicion of the inefficiency of the Islamic Republic in society. In the face of these measures, the attempt to strengthen the people's belief in the efficiency of the Islamic Republic is a strategic issue for the system, because any doubts and skepticism, causes the crisis of secondary legitimacy and ultimately leads to shake in the pillars of its acceptance in public opinion. In this regard, the media is the most important platform for awareness and influence to strengthen people's belief in the efficiency of the system. The purpose of this study is to provide credible media solutions for showing the efficiency of the Islamic Revolution. The research is a qualitative research and has been done by interview method. Some of the results of this research are included: "Pathology of wrong government policies and highlighting the results of these policies in people's lives", " Rational and realistic critique of the activities of different parts of the system", "Raising the level of awareness and analysis of people on society's issues in different areas", "Promoting public demands to achieve the goals of the Islamic Revolution", "Strengthening the culture of demanding efficient management at the community level and not being indifferent to the performance of officials", "Creating a culture of the need for accountability of officials and institutions to the people ”.

Due to its great ability to exercise political power, the state has great potential to advance macroeconomic, social and political policies in the domestic as well as in international arena. Of course, the role of the state is not limited to the development of laws that are compatible with development, but the most important aspect of the intervention is the correct implementation of the laws and regulations adopted and the policies envisaged. Therefore, one of these aspects that can be examined on how government intervenes and functions can focus on the efficiency of the bureaucracy or the efficiency of the government in general. Due to the efficiency of the bureaucracy in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the existence of Western sanctions and reduced economic exchanges, paying more attention to this concept has gain a great importance.This applied research aims to recognize the role of government efficiency in sustainable economic development and while collecting the theoretical foundations of the research and enumerate its most important factors using the context-based method and field methods (questionnaires) and libraries (review of documents), it has tested the hypothesis by survey method. After confirming the internal consistency of the components of government efficiency using the χ2 test, the results of data analysis using the Friedman test show that from the respondents' point of view, "unity between officials in the state" has the most important role and "citizens' oversight of the social and political affairs of officials" has the least role in sustainable economic development.

Revolutionism is one of the most important and studiable issues in the field of political thought in the Islamic Republic of Iran and it is necessary to speak about it from the perspective of indigenous and Islamic values. Therefore, in this article, we examine this issue in the political thought of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. We have addressed and answered the question: What are the components of revolutionism discourse in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei? Given that in His statements, a range of topics can be seen - from the definition of this concept to its effects on the history of the Islamic Republic - the most appropriate methodological framework for analyzing the data of this study is Norman Fairclough's discourse analysis perspective. Therefore, the subject of revolutionism was pursued in three levels of description, interpretation and explanation; at the description level, value-orientedness, idealism, libertarianism, sensitivity to the enemy, and religious-political piety were articulated as discourse signs, and the conceptual signifier of value-orientation was introduced as the central signifier. At the level of revolutionary interpretation, the effective factors in the formation and evolution of revolutionary discourse were discussed, and issues such as the early Islamic revolution, the role of missionaries, word-building and institutionalization were identified. Finally, in explaining the revolutionary discourse, the alienation of the revolutionary discourse, the realized social functions of this discourse and how to improve it were discussed.